Anas Sarwar campaigns during the Scottish independence referendum campaign. Photograph: Getty Images.
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Anas Sarwar resigns as Scottish Labour deputy leader

The shadow cabinet is likely his next stop.

Anas Sarwar's decision to stand down as Scottish Labour's deputy leader, which he announced at the party's gala dinner tonight, does not come as a surprise. There is a common recognition across the party that it needs fresh figures at the top and that they must be MSPs (Sarwar represents the Westminster seat of Glasgow Central).

The next Scottish Labour leader (almost certainly Jim Murphy) will now be free to take office with a new deputy. The contest for the latter will run alongside that for the former, with the winners announced on 13 December. Shadow education secretary Kezia Dugdale, who some urged to run for the leadership, Jenny Marra and James Kelly (who co-chair Murphy's leadership campaign) are regarded as the frontrunners for the post. 

Sarwar told the Daily Record"After thinking about it long and hard over the last few days I have decided that I believe Scottish Labour should be represented by a leadership team that is focused on the Scottish Parliament. It has been a privilege to serve as deputy leader for the last three years and a honour I never thought I would receive.

"But I think the leadership contest that is going on now is a time for everybody to reflect on what is best for Scottish Labour. And after much soul searching I have come to the conclusion that I believe the Scottish Labour leadership team should be focused on Holyrood.

"I have spoken to Ed Miliband and informed him of this decision and told him I want to devote my efforts to securing a Labour victory at next year’s general election and help make Ed Miliband Prime Minister."

But Sarwar is unlikely to fade into the shadows. Having relinquished his position, there is a strong chance that he will enter the shadow cabinet as part of the reshuffle that will be triggered by Murphy's decision to stand for leader. One move suggested by several Labour sources is for shadow Scottish secretary Margaret Curran to replace Murphy as shadow international development secretary, with Sarwar taking on her brief. 

George Eaton is political editor of the New Statesman.

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An Irish Sea border – and 3 other tricky options for Northern Ireland after Brexit

There is no easy option for Northern Ireland after Brexit. 

Deciding on post-Brexit border arrangements between Northern Ireland and the Irish Republic is becoming an issue for which the phrase "the devil is in the detail" could have been coined. Finding a satisfactory solution that delivers a border flexible enough not to damage international trade and commerce and doesn’t undermine the spirit, or the letter, of the Good Friday Agreement settlement is foxing Whitehall’s brightest.

The dial seemed to have settled on David Davis’s suggestion that there could be a "digital border" with security cameras and pre-registered cargo as a preferred alternative to a "hard border" replete with checkpoints and watchtowers.

However the Brexit secretary’s suggestion has been scotched by the new Irish foreign minister, Simon Coveney, who says electronic solutions are "not going to work". Today’s Times quotes him saying that "any barrier or border on the island of Ireland in my view risks undermining a very hard-won peace process" and that there is a need to ensure the "free movement of people and goods and services and livelihoods".

The EU’s chief Brexit negotiator, Michel Barnier, has made dealing with the Irish border question one of his top three priorities before discussions on trade deals can begin. British ministers are going to have to make-up their minds which one of four unpalatable options they are going to choose:

1. Hard border

The first is to ignore Dublin (and just about everybody in Northern Ireland for that matter) and institute a hard border along the 310-mile demarcation between Northern Ireland and the Irish Republic. Given it takes in fields, rivers and forests it’s pretty unenforceable without a Trump-style wall. More practically, it would devastate trade and free movement. Metaphorically, it would be a powerful symbol of division and entirely contrary to the spirit of the Good Friday Agreement. The Police Federation in Northern Ireland has also warned it would make police officers "sitting ducks for terrorists". Moreover, the Irish government will never agree to this course. With the EU in their corner, there is effectively zero chance of this happening.

2. Northern EU-land

The second option is to actually keep Northern Ireland inside the EU: offering it so-called "special status". This would avoid the difficulty of enforcing the border and even accord with the wishes of 56 per cent of the Northern Irish electorate who voted to Remain in the EU. Crucially, it would see Northern Ireland able to retain the £600m a year it currently receives from the EU. This is pushed by Sinn Fein and does have a powerful logic, but it would be a massive embarrassment for the British Government and lead to Scotland (and possibly London?) demanding similar treatment.

3. Natural assets

The third option is that suggested by the Irish government in the Times story today, namely a soft border with customs and passport controls at embarkation points on the island of Ireland, using the Irish Sea as a hard border (or certainly a wet one). This option is in play, if for no other reason than the Irish government is suggesting it. Again, unionists will be unhappy as it requires Britain to treat the island of Ireland as a single entity with border and possibly customs checks at ports and airports. There is a neat administrate logic to it, but it means people travelling from Northern Ireland to "mainland" Britain would need to show their passports, which will enrage unionists as it effectively makes them foreigners.

4. Irish reunification

Unpalatable as that would be for unionists, the fourth option is simply to recognise that Northern Ireland is now utterly anomalous and start a proper conversation about Irish reunification as a means to address the border issue once and for all. This would see both governments acting as persuaders to try and build consent and accelerate trends to reunify the island constitutionally. This would involve twin referendums in both Northern Ireland and the Republic (a measure allowed for in the Good Friday Agreement). Given Philip Hammond is warning that transitional arrangements could last three years, this might occur after Brexit in 2019, perhaps as late as the early 2020s, with interim arrangements in the meantime. Demographic trends pointing to a Catholic-nationalist majority in Northern Ireland would, in all likelihood require a referendum by then anyway. The opportunity here is to make necessity the mother of invention, using Brexit to bring Northern Ireland’s constitutional status to a head and deal decisively with the matter once and for all.

In short, ministers have no easy options, however time is now a factor and they will soon have to draw the line on, well, drawing the line.

Kevin Meagher is a former special adviser at the Northern Ireland Office and author of "A United Ireland: Why unification is inevitable and how it will come about"

Kevin Meagher is associate editor of Labour Uncut and a former special adviser at the Northern Ireland office.