Blow for Cameron as more Tory MPs vote against gay marriage than in favour

136 Conservative MPs voted against the bill, with 127 voting in favour.

Update: The final figures show that 136 Tories voted against the bill, with 127 voting in favour and 40 abstaining. In other words, the majority of Conservative MPs failed to support equal marriage.

With the outcome of the vote on equal marriage never in doubt (MPs voted in favour of the bill by 400 to 175), the key question was always how many Conservatives would oppose the measure.

Based on initial reports, it appears that 139 Tory MPs voted against the bill, with 132 voting in favour. Were this not a free vote, the Tories would have equalled the largest postwar rebellion - the Iraq war vote in 2003. If accurate, the figures are disastrous for David Cameron. More than half of his MPs (of which there are 303 excluding speakers) chose either to oppose the measure or to abstain.

The Prime Minister hoped to use the vote on equal marriage to demonstrate how much his party has changed but he has ended up achieving the reverse. While ministers will point out that this was a free vote and so technically not a "rebellion", there is no disguising the fact that more Tory MPs opposed Cameron's position than supported it. That is a blow to his personal authority and to his claim to have "modernised" the Conservative Party.

David Cameron chats to guests at the Gay Pride reception in the garden at 10 Downing Street on June 16, 2010. Photograph: Getty Images.

George Eaton is political editor of the New Statesman.

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Jeremy Corbyn's Labour conference speech shows how he's grown

The leader's confident address will have impressed even his fiercest foes. 

It is not just Jeremy Corbyn’s mandate that has been improved by his re-election. The Labour leader’s conference speech was, by some distance, the best he has delivered. He spoke with far greater confidence, clarity and energy than previously. From its self-deprecating opening onwards ("Virgin Trains assure me there are 800 empty seats") we saw a leader improved in almost every respect. 

Even Corbyn’s firecest foes will have found less to take issue with than they may have anticipated. He avoided picking a fight on Trident (unlike last year), delivered his most forceful condemnation of anti-Semitism (“an evil”) and, with the exception of the Iraq war, avoided attacks on New Labour’s record. The video which preceded his arrival, and highlighted achievements from the Blair-Brown years, was another olive branch. But deselection, which Corbyn again refused to denounce, will remain a running sore (MPs alleged that Hillsborough campaigner Sheila Coleman, who introduced Corbyn, is seeking to deselect Louise Ellman and backed the rival TUSC last May).

Corbyn is frequently charged with lacking policies. But his lengthy address contained several new ones: the removal of the cap on council borrowing (allowing an extra 60,000 houses to be built), a ban on arms sales to abusive regimes and an arts pupil premium in every primary school.

On policy, Corbyn frequently resembles Ed Miliband in his more radical moments, unrestrained by Ed Balls and other shadow cabinet members. He promised £500bn of infrastructure investment (spread over a decade with £150bn from the private sector), “a real living wage”, the renationalisation of the railways, rent controls and a ban on zero-hours contracts.

Labour’s greatest divisions are not over policy but rules, strategy and culture. Corbyn’s opponents will charge him with doing far too little to appeal to the unconverted - Conservative voters most of all. But he spoke with greater conviction than before of preparing for a general election (acknowledging that Labour faced an arithmetical “mountain”) and successfully delivered the attack lines he has often shunned.

“Even Theresa May gets it, that people want change,” he said. “That’s why she stood on the steps of Downing Street and talked about the inequalities and burning injustices in today’s Britain. She promised a country: ‘that works not for a privileged few but for every one of us’. But even if she manages to talk the talk, she can’t walk the walk. This isn’t a new government, it’s David Cameron’s government repackaged with progressive slogans but with a new harsh right-wing edge, taking the country backwards and dithering before the historic challenges of Brexit.”

After a second landslide victory, Corbyn is, for now, unassailable. Many MPs, having voted no confidence in him, will never serve on the frontbench. But an increasing number, recognising Corbyn’s immovability, speak once again of seeking to “make it work”. For all the ructions of this summer, Corbyn’s speech will have helped to persuade them that they can.

George Eaton is political editor of the New Statesman.