Show Hide image Science & Tech 9 April 2018 Samantha’s suffering: should sex robots have rights? Humans are already contemplating imposing our barely understood sexual ethics upon machines. Print HTML Late in 2017 at a tech fair in Austria, a sex robot was “molested” repeatedly and left in a “filthy” state. The robot, named Samantha, received a barrage of male attention, which resulted in her sustaining two broken fingers. This incident confirms worries that the possibility of fully functioning sex robots raises both tantalising possibilities for human desire (by mirroring human/ sex-worker relationships), as well as serious ethical questions. So what should be done? The campaign to “ban” sex robots, as the computer scientist Kate Devlin has argued, is only likely to lead to a lack of discussion. Instead, she hypothesises that many ways of sexual and social inclusivity could be explored as a result of human-robot relationships. To be sure, there are certain elements of relationships between humans and sex workers that we may not wish to repeat. But to me, it is the ethical aspects of the way we think about human-robot desire that are particularly key. Why? Because we do not even agree yet on what sex is. Sex can mean lots of different things for different bodies – and the types of joys and sufferings associated with it are radically different for each individual body. We are only just beginning to understand and know these stories. But with Europe’s first sex robot brothel open in Barcelona and the building of “Harmony”, a talking sex robot in California, it is clear that humans are already contemplating imposing our barely understood sexual ethics upon machines. It is argued by some in the field that there are positive implications in the development of sex robots, such as “therapeutic” uses. Such arguments are mainly focused on male use in relation to problems such as premature ejaculation and erectile dysfunction, although there are also mentions of “healing potential” for sexual trauma. But there are also warnings that the rise of sex robots is a symptom of the “pornification” of sexual culture and the increasing “dehumanisation of women”. Meanwhile, Samantha has recovered and we are assured by the doll’s developer, Sergi Santos, that “she can endure a lot and will pull through”, and that her career looks “promising”. Popular sex doll Samantha finally breaks down after a lot of customers heavily massaged… https://t.co/BdBjHpE7rW pic.twitter.com/E4JTWUP81E — Cingey (@FrankTamoufe) September 27, 2017 We are asked by Santos (with a dose of inhuman “humour”) to applaud Samantha’s overcoming of her ordeal – without fully recognising the violence she suffered. But I think that most of us will experience some discomfort on hearing Samantha’s story. And it’s important that, just because she’s a machine, we do not let ourselves “off the hook” by making her yet another victim and heroine who survived an encounter, only for it to be repeated. Yes, she is a machine, but does this mean it is justifiable to act destructively towards her? Surely the fact that she is in a human form makes her a surface on which human sexuality is projected, and symbolic of a futuristic human sexuality. If this is the case, then Samatha’s case is especially sad. It is Devlin who has asked the crucial question: whether sex robots will have rights. “Should we build in the idea of consent,” she asks? In legal terms, this would mean having to recognise the robot as human – such is the limitation of a law made by and for humans. I have researched how institutions, theories, legal regimes (and in some cases lovers) tend to make assumptions about my (human) sexuality. These assumptions can often lead to telling me what I need, what I should feel and what I should have. The assumption that we know what the other body wants is often the root of suffering. The inevitable discomfort of reading about Samantha demonstrates again the real – yet to human beings unknowable – violence of these assumptions. Suffering is a way of knowing that you, as a body, have come out on the “wrong” side of an ethical dilemma. This idea of an “embodied” ethic understood through suffering has been developed on the basis of the work of the famous philosopher Spinoza and is of particular use for legal thinkers. It is useful as it allows us to judge rightness by virtue of the real and personal experience of the body itself, rather than judging by virtue of what we “think” is right in connection with what we assume to be true about their identity. This helps us with Samantha’s case, since it tells us that in accordance with human desire, it is clear she would not have wanted what she got. The contact Samantha received was distinctly human in the sense that this case mirrors some of the most violent sexual offences cases. While human concepts such as “law” and “ethics” are flawed, we know we don’t want to make others suffer. We are making these robot lovers in our image and we ought not pick and choose whether to be kind to our sexual partners, even when we choose to have relationships outside of the “norm”, or with beings that have a supposedly limited consciousness, or even no (humanly detectable) consciousness. Machines are indeed what we make them. This means we have an opportunity to avoid assumptions and prejudices brought about by the way we project human feelings and desires. But does this ethically entail that robots should be able to consent to or refuse sex, as human beings would? The innovative philosophers and scientists Frank and Nyholm have found many legal reasons for answering both yes and no (a robot’s lack of human consciousness and legal personhood, and the “harm” principle, for example). Again, we find ourselves seeking to apply a very human law. But feelings of suffering outside of relationships, or identities accepted as the “norm”, are often illegitimised by law. So a “legal” framework which has its origins in heteronormative desire does not necessarily construct the foundation of consent and sexual rights for robots. Rather, as the renowned post-human thinker Rosi Braidotti argues, we need an ethic, as opposed to a law, which helps us find a practical and sensitive way of deciding, taking into account emergences from cross-species relations. The kindness and empathy we feel toward Samantha may be a good place to begin. Victoria Brooks is lecturer in law at the University of Westminster. This article was originally published on The Conversation. 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Show Hide image UK 16 April 2018 Why Theresa May can’t blame anyone else for the Windrush scandal The narrowmindedness and bureaucratic heartlessness of deporting British-Caribbeans is consistent with everything May has said or done over the last eight years. Print HTML This weekend, Downing Street refused to schedule a meeting between the Prime Minister and representatives of 12 Caribbean countries to discuss the immigration status of Windrush-generation Britons. The first Theresa May learned of this was this morning, when she was alerted to the problem by a letter signed by 140 MPs from multiple parties – at which point, her office hastily announced that it would be scheduling such a meeting after all. That, at least, is the official line, but I’m not buying it. Missing the brewing scandal would have required the Prime Minister to have spent the weekend offline, without phone signal and probably in a cave. But mostly it’s because this whole mess is so completely consistent with everything else Theresa May has done since she first joined the Cabinet. When people show you who they are, Maya Angelou once wrote, believe them: Theresa May has been showing us who she is for a very long time. Let’s remind ourselves of the immigration policies pursued by May’s Home Office. There was the “hostile environment” policy in which landlords, banks and doctors would all be deputised as unwilling immigration officers, and the authorities were ordered to adopt a strategy of “deport first, ask questions later”. Around the same time, there were the “go home vans”: lorry-mounted billboards which spent the summer of 2013 driving about London encouraging illegal immigrants to bugger off, which managed to combine being utterly useless (total departures: 11) with being so unpleasant that even Nigel Farage said it was going a bit far. Then there was that conference speech in which May referred to “the illegal immigrant who cannot be deported because, and I am not making this up, he had a pet cat” – a story which was swiftly debunked by the entirely shocking and unexpected revelation that she had, in fact, been making it up. These policies, and the statements that accompanied them, are all terrible – offensive, obviously, but also ineffective in terms of achieving what they were apparently intended to do. If you assumed the purpose was to attract the votes of angry racists, though, then at least then they made some kind of sense. The thing that makes me think there’s more to this than that – that this isn’t just about a sort of inverted vice-signalling, intended to appeal to the Daily Mail (“vermin-signalling”); that Theresa May actually means this shit – is her position on international students. Universities love foreign students, who pay them a fortune and allow them to run courses and employ academics they otherwise can’t afford. Businesses and the Treasury love them, too, for giving a £20bn boost to the British economy every year. Even the public is relatively warm and fuzzy towards them: a 2011 Migration Observatory poll found that, although 69 per cent of people wanted immigration to come down, just 29 per cent thought students counted as immigrants. As far as we know, in fact, there may be as few as one person in the entire country who thinks that international students are a problem to be solved, rather than a major boost to our exports and soft power. It’s just unfortunate that that one person followed a six-year stint as home secretary by becoming Prime Minister. In 2012, her policies resulted in overseas students in London queuing through the night to register their presence with the authorities. Who was meant to benefit from this was never exactly clear – yet Theresa May has consistently refused to back down. Why does May have such a problem with the idea of foreigners coming to Britain and spending their lives – even a part of their lives – here? The obvious answer is that she simply doesn’t like foreigners very much, but there are other possibilities. Perhaps she worries about social cohesion, or the impact that population growth will have on public services. Or perhaps she worries about the electoral prospects for conservatism in an increasingly diverse world. Perhaps she’s not a racist: she just thinks that the electorate is. Whether the prime minister personally holds racist views, though, doesn’t really seem to matter. Whatever the contents of her heart, the fact is she has pursued xenophobic policies, which have emboldened racists, aggravated racial tensions, and risked wrecking the lives of legal migrants and ethnic minority Britons alike. As the government scrambles to clean up this latest mess, it’s possible that spokespeople will try to push the blame on to misunderstandings or junior staff. Don’t believe them: the narrowmindedness, bureaucratic heartlessness and complete lack of interest in the human cost are all entirely consistent with everything May has said or done over the last eight years. The problem is not that the prime minster actively wants the children of the Windrush deported. The problem is that she didn’t care enough to make sure that they weren’t. Jonn Elledge edits the New Statesman's sister site CityMetric, and writes for the NS about subjects including politics, history and Brexit. You can find him on Twitter or Facebook. SUBSCRIBE More Related articles I wrote a TV show about police corruption and was nearly prosecuted for sedition Why society’s “millennial” stereotype erases young Northerners Are we excusing Commonwealth homophobia to improve post-Brexit trade? 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