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Ed Miliband must resign

. . . on political heroes, nationalised banks and family confessionals

It is surely time for another big government resignation. No, I don’t mean another departure by Peter Mandelson, who has to be banished from office as frequently as exceptionally naughty children are banished from school, and for similar reasons. We need a Labour politician to do a bit of grandstanding and resign on principle. He or she should storm out of a cabinet meeting, and tell the waiting cameras outside No 10 that the entire political class has lost the plot. The country is crying out for such a gesture, and any minister who dared make it would become an instant hero, particularly among the young who, as Joss Garman, co-founder of Plane Stupid, pointed out in the Observer recently, are increasingly furious that they will inherit both a clapped-out economy and a clapped-out planet.

Conventional wisdom states that storming out and seeking mass popularity is bad for a political career. Best, it is said, to stay on the inside and court friends. But we do not live in conventional times: all politicians (with the possible exception of the Lib Dem deputy leader Vince Cable) are discredited, and one who breaks the rules might well find himself at the helm in a future hour of crisis, as Winston Churchill did in 1940.

Nothing is to be gained by staying inside government at a time like this. You find yourself implicated in more bad decisions.

All we need is the right cabinet minister. My choice is the Energy and Climate Change Secretary, Ed Miliband. He is 39 (and therefore, as Garman pointed out, closer in age to the people who throw custard over Mandelson than he is to Gordon Brown), physically presentable, a plausible leader who has moved ahead of his brother in the betting on Brown’s successor and, as fashion demands, very slightly diffident. I realise there are no guarantees and this may turn out to be a pointless sacrifice. But sorry, Ed, you’re the man to make it.

What should be the resignation issue? I suppose something environmental such as airport runways would do, but the government’s failure completely to nationalise the banks might be better. Most people understand why banks must be saved, but can’t see why taxpayers should keep pouring in money without bankers doing what they’re told, such as extending credit. Every bank is now dependent on government support. Even where they don’t own majority shares, taxpayers are insuring “toxic assets” and guaranteeing customers’ deposits. So why not put this commanding height of the economy – the most commanding height of all, now that we don’t mine coal, manufacture steel or run trains on time – into full public ownership?

I am no economist, so perhaps there are things I don’t understand. If so, readers will no doubt enlighten me. While they are about it, they could also explain:

1. Why we are told that withholding financiers’ bonuses, in the US or UK, will lead to “an exodus of talent”. Where will these people go? Who wants them?

2. Why “quantitative easing” – which, I believe, involves increasing the amount of money in circulation – has to be done by buying gilts and bonds, many of which are held by rich foreigners who probably won’t spend their windfalls, and certainly not on British goods. Why not hand cash out to people such as New Statesman readers who would spend it at, say, local farmers’ markets?

3. Why it is so difficult to stamp on tax havens. Several are British colonies and the European havens (such as Monaco) depend on neighbouring states for vital services such as power supplies.

Governments that lose revenue need only issue mild threats. Why don’t they?

I have other questions, but that is enough to be going on with.

I am troubled by one of Suzanne Moore’s many objections – spelt out in that admirable home of progressive thinking, the Mail on Sunday – to last week’s NS issue edited by Alastair Campbell. A six-page interview with Alex Ferguson, she says, is “really going to grab the female reader”. This is called irony, as is my last-but-one sentence.

What she means is there’s too much football. Since I prefer rugby and cricket, I agree. But in my day as editor, we tried a women’s issue, edited and written by women (including Ms Moore) about childcare and so on. Very good it was, too, but circulation fell. If you want to keep out the footballers, Suzanne, you must make a better job of rallying the sisterhood.

I am also troubled by Decca Aitkenhead’s recent interview with William Hague in the Guardian. Thanks to earnings from writing and public speaking, he has no debts and no mortgage and can therefore, he says, “be frank” and “stand up strongly for things”. I have not noticed Hague standing for anything different from what he stood for before he made his fortune. Leave that aside.

What concerns me is the recollection of what my Tory parents, long dead, always said: that Labour governments couldn’t run the country because Labour MPs and ministers had no money. I pointed out to them that ministers were not expected to finance the government from their own resources. But what they meant, I guess, was that only people with independent incomes could be trusted to govern in the wider public interest without bothering about their personal and family prosperity. Now almost every MP claims big allowances, favours augmenting their already generous pensions and loses no opportunity to grab non-executive directorships. Were my parents right, after all?

This column names the guilty men. Who started this business of writing about their children’s private lives, to which the Myersons (from whom it has been impossible to escape in recent weeks) have merely added a twist by inviting their son to bite back? I nominate my fellow NS columnist Hunter Davies, who entertained Sunday Times readers in the 1970s with tales of his daughter Caitlin. Nominations for earlier pioneers are invited.

Peter Wilby was editor of the Independent on Sunday from 1995 to 1996 and of the New Statesman from 1998 to 2005. He writes the weekly First Thoughts column for the NS.

This article first appeared in the 30 March 2009 issue of the New Statesman, The end of American power

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View from Paisley: How the Conservatives are wooing Labour's Scottish heartlands

Not so long ago, Conservative activists in Paisley could expect doors slammed in their faces. A referendum has changed that.

Tony Lawler, a Labour activist, was recently knocking on doors in the Scottish town of Paisley, when he came across a disgruntled resident. “I’m really disappointed in Douglas Alexander,” the potential voter complained. “I haven’t seen him. He used to be in Morrisons.”

Douglas Alexander, of course, has gone. He was the longstanding Labour MP and onetime International Development secretary who lost his seat in 2015 to a 20-year-old rival, the Scottish National Party’s Mhairi Black. He does not plan to stand again. But when I visit Paisley, a short train ride from Glasgow, I find that memories of him linger on. 

Two years after Alexander’s defeat, I meet Lawler and other local Labour activists in Morrisons, where Alexander used to hold his surgeries. As checkouts beep and trolley wheels roll over linoleum, they point to an empty table in the corner of this hallowed ground: “He used to sit just there.”

In 2015, the SNP’s victory in this former manufacturing town seemed to epitomise the earthquake in Scottish politics. But as the Labour activists know too well, no political fortress is undefeatable. And in Paisley, the home of one of the oldest workers’ festivals in the world, the party with the most to gain is one that previously never dared to canvass in the high street – the Conservative party. 

The town the Brexiteers forgot

In 1988, the historian Sylvia Clarke reflected on Paisley’s lost industries, wondering what was next for the former weaving towns. “Paisley as a tourist centre?” she wondered, in Paisley: A History. “Paisley as a place for visitors to come to, rather than a send-out of goods and emigrants?” 

For all Paisley’s industrial decline, it’s a pretty place. The town is in the running for the 2021 City of Culture, and has the second biggest number of listed buildings after Edinburgh. When I visit in the middle of April, blossom floats on the trees, and a river meanders through a neighbourhood of old, stone houses. It takes a moment to notice weeds tightening their grasp on the window frames. When I try the door of the ancient Paisley Abbey, it’s locked.

Perhaps if Paisley had been located the other side of the border, in Sunderland or Northumbria, it would be voting Leave and flirting with Ukip. But in the most deprived areas here, Labour activists tell me the EU referendum tally was still almost 50-50, and overall the town voted Remain.

There is a view that Brexit is an English concern. “We haven’t picked up anything about the EU referendum,” says Lawler of his doorstep conversations. “What people are talking about is the independence referendum, Jeremy Corbyn and the kids’ ward.” Scotland’s health secretary, Shona Robison, is due to make a decision on whether the specialist ward should be moved to a large hospital in the First Minister’s Glasgow constituency, against the wishes of many Paisley residents. The hospital in question is nicknamed “the Death Star”.  

Another concern, reminiscent of small towns across the UK, is the decline of the high street. When I walk down the historical shopping area Causeyside Street, I find mother and daughter Kate and Linda Hancy packing up what remains of The Pattern Café and Gift Shop. The wallpaper is a glorious Paisley print, but the scented candles are in boxes and a spray soap bottle hangs from a chair. After two years of trying, they are closing down.  

“People just don’t have money to spend,” Kate says. “A lot of people have been on the same wage for more than five years.”

Linda chimes in: “The cost of living going up but wages aren’t the same. I work in a supermarket, and people come in and say ‘How did I spend this much money?’ A lot of people are paying by credit cards.”

The Hancys voted to remain in the UK, and the EU. Although they knew Alexander, they have never met Mhairi Black, and feel devolution, if anything, has made politicians less accountable. “Why are we picking 1,2,3,4,” demands Kate, referring to Holyrood's voting system, which rejected first past the post. “Why can’t we pick one like we used to?”

Without the EU to blame, the most obvious culprits for Paisley town centre’s decline are the out-of-town shopping centres, where cinemas are opening just as historical ones in town close their doors.

Gavin Simpson, owner of Feel the Groove, a new record shop, remembers the 1980s, when a new release would have shoppers queuing round the block. However, he believes the town is over the worst. (As we speak, a customer comes in to reserve such a record and cheerfully warns Gavin that “even if I ask for my money back, don’t give it to me.”)

One thriving business is the longstanding butchers, Wm Phelps. Manager James Peacock tells me it is down to the trustworthy Scottish produce, which is carefully tracked and labelled. But the business has also embraced globalisation.  After noticing a large number of South African customers, Peacock began selling boerewors and biltong.

The other referendum campaign

If Paisley has been spared the divisions of the EU referendum campaign, its “buddies” – as residents are known – are still reeling with the repercussions of an earlier referendum, that on Scotland in the UK. In 2014, the town voted for independence, although the county overall opted to stay in the UK. 

The town is home to a particularly brash strain of indyreffers, including the “Smith Commission burners”, three SNP councillors who gathered in front of the council headquarters to burn a copy of the report setting out new powers for Scotland. One of them, Mags MacLaren, went on to manage Black’s constituency office.

But if the Paisley independence movement has been well covered, less is known about its opposite - the rise of pro-unionism. 

Of the three mainstream parties opposed to independence, it is the Scottish Conservatives, with their unconventional leader Ruth Davidson, who have most effectively capitalised on the pro-union message. In the 2016 Scottish Parliament elections, the Tory Jackson Carlaw captured the West of Scotland constituency of Eastwood, which had been held by Labour since its creation. 

In Holyrood, the Scottish Tories benefit from proportional representation, which allows voters to choose a constituency MSP but also rank parties. 

According to Paul Masterton, the Tory candidate for East Renfrewshire, and the secretary of the Renfrewshire and Inverclyde Scottish Conservative Association, the Conservatives are now getting huge numbers of first preference votes, including in neighbourhoods like the suburb of Ralston, where both Black and Masterton are from. So who are these voters? Masterton describes them as “New Labour voters who were happy with Tony Blair and Gordon Brown but didn’t like Jeremy Corbyn and get tied up into knots by [Scottish Labour leader] Kezia Dugdale flipflopping on the union stance".

The 2016 election saw the Scottish Conservatives surge to second place in Scotland – a superb comeback for a party once ridiculed as being rarer than pandas. The next electoral test is the local council elections. In Paisley, even Labour activists acknowledged the Conservatives were likely to be the most notable winners.

“For a long time we simply didn’t go out in Paisley," says Masterton. "We were written off and we allowed ourselves to be written off.”

But the referendum has changed this. “What I found was that last May, people weren’t shutting the door in your face," he adds. "Once you started the conversation they were far more receptive to that.” 

Like the Labour activists, Masterton argues that the constitutional question matters more than Brexit. “When Theresa May said ‘now is not the time’, I think a lot of people across Paisley did a small quiet fist pump,” he says of a second independence referendum.  

Ironically, after the early election is called, the Scottish Conservatives do everything they can to mention the prospect. “Don't mention the 'i' word,” crows a recent press release about the “SNP indyref ban”. Davidson tweets: “Nicola doesn't want to stand on her record. She knows the country doesn't want her #indyref2.” A Panelbase survey commissioned by The Sunday Times Scotland published shortly after the early election was announced finds support for the Conservatives at Scotland at 33 per cent, 18 percentage points higher than in 2015. 

What you stand for

For now, Paisley remains a Scottish National Party stronghold. George Adams, the MSP with an office off the high street, proves elusive – Labour activists confirm his reputation as a hardworking local. Black’s aide turns down my request for an interview for similar reasons, but I bump into her that evening at a protest against cutting child tax credits in Glasgow’s George Square.

Black, an admirer of the left-wing Labour figure Tony Benn, once said she feels "it is the Labour party that left me". I ask her if she, like her Labour predecessor, holds surgeries in supermarkets. Black says she’d considered it, but given the sensitivity of some of the issues, such as benefit problems, she thought her constituents might appreciate a more private space. “The main thing that crosses the door in my offices is Universal Credit changes,” she explains. She says she has raised her concerns about the children’s ward.

As for the independence debate, she argues that the Scottish government have been “incredibly compromising” since Brexit, but adds: “A lot of folk want another chance at the question.”

Black is standing for re-election. With a majority of more than 5,000, and neither of her previous challengers in the running, she’s likely to keep her seat, even if buddies' discontent over local issues rumbles on. 

Still, as I have discovered, the 2014 referendum continues to reverberate in towns like Paisley. It has divided friends and neighbours on constitutional lines, galvanised new strains of politics, and brought a Labour heavyweight crashing down, with no appetite to return. 

The Tories believe their unionist message is enough to flip seats like East Renfrewshire, once Conservative, then Labour, and now an SNP marginal. As the SNP's shine wears off, could Paisley, with its long tradition of the left, one day follow? It no longer feels implausible. “The one thing about the Scottish Conservatives - and this is true whatever you like us or not,” says Masterton. “You know what we stand for.”

 

Julia Rampen is the digital news editor of the New Statesman (previously editor of The Staggers, The New Statesman's online rolling politics blog). She has also been deputy editor at Mirror Money Online and has worked as a financial journalist for several trade magazines. 

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