George Osborne. Photograph: Getty Images
Show Hide image

Osborne the green hero, weird Lib Dems and things aren’t getting better for O’Farrell

Peter Wilby's "First Thoughts" column.

Should George Osborne, the apparently omnishambolic Chancellor, be treated as a hero of the green left? Think about it. He has given us zero growth for the foreseeable future, raising hopes that our depletion of the planet’s resources can be halted. We have more parttime working and less overtime, so we are on the way to a shorter working week, a better work-life balance and a more equitable distribution of employment. Real wages are falling, thus curing us of the modern disease of overconsumption. Investment is down, protecting us from job-destroying automation. Interest rates are only just above zero, bringing us close to abolishing the ancient sin of usury.

Osborne may not have intended these outcomes – but what’s not to like about them? John Stuart Mill wrote: “The end of growth leads to a stationary state . . . a very considerable improvement on our present condition.” Osborne should stop fretting about Britain’s loss of its triple-A credit rating and embrace the positives. “The stationary state”: a big idea for the Tories to take into the next election.

Scandals and scoundrels

Is there something in Lib Dems’ DNA that makes them prone to scandal? Other parties have scandals, it is true. Yet those of the Lib Dems seem weirder and bigger and, for a small party, they have an unusually high number, involving more senior figures.

Pundits suggest that, because the Lib Dems don’t normally have any serious prospect of power, they attract oddballs, some of whom stand for parliament without expecting to win. Neither the party nor its MPs expect to be put under the spotlight and, therefore, they take less care to cover their tracks. This may be true but I am inclined to think that a lack of firm convictions and a vagueness about what exactly they are in politics to achieve make Lib Dems peculiarly prone to erratic behaviour. Perhaps, too, they are upholding a Liberal tradition: David Lloyd George was by far the most scandalous British prime minister of the 20th century, in both the financial and the sexual senses.

In the circumstances, it’s understandable that the Lib Dems have proportionately fewer women MPs than either Labour or the Tories. What woman would want to risk a close association with such strange and dangerous people?

Like coppers or like sour Krauts?

I suppose one should feel sorry for Neil Wallis, the former executive editor of the News of the World who, after 21 months on police bail, was told he wouldn’t be charged. The poor man lost £200,000 in earnings and had to sell his Renault Espace, he laments in the Mail on Sunday. Hard times, indeed. He states that, when he was arrested, it was “like being questioned by the Stasi”.

Really? The Stasi (after they’d largely given up bodily torture in the 1960s) held suspects for months in complete isolation, even from other prisoners. They were not told the charges against them or where they were being detained. They frequently suffered sleep deprivation.

Because it was psychological torture, leaving no tangible effects, Stasi prisoners, on release, found it hard to convey why the experience was so terrifying.

I am sure Wallis’s journalistic skills will be equal to the task when he tells an unsuspecting world about how British bobbies have adopted the techniques of the German Democratic Republic. Perhaps the story will enable him to recover his lost earnings.

Choice cuts

Here is a small, hitherto unreported example of NHS “rationalisation”. For an area covering much of north and east London and parts of Hertfordshire and Essex, bladder and prostate cancer surgery is to be closed at three hos - pitals and kidney cancer surgery at eight. All patients (and their visitors) must travel to hospitals in central London, which seem, between them, to have carved up these and several other services without much involve - ment from NHS commissioners or significant public consultation.

For complex procedures, specialist centres are thought to be more effective than several hospitals carrying out, at most, a few dozen operations a year. However, these proposals affect two million people, some of whom live in villages that have only two buses a day. Whatever happened to patient choice?

Danger – an itching to write

In the late 1990s, John O’Farrell, Labour’s candidate in the Eastleigh by-election, wrote a book called Things Can Only Get Better, in which he described how depressing it was to be a Labour supporter during the Thatcher era. Throughout the Eastleigh campaign, he was pilloried for various passages by the Mail and other right-wing papers as “the sickest man in politics”, even though, being doomed to third place at best, he was – if he won’t mind my saying so – hardly worth noticing.

He wrote: “I settled on the uncomfortable and convoluted position of wanting Great Britain to lose a war [the Falklands] for the sake of Great Britain,” and that, after the IRA’s Brighton bomb in 1984, “I felt a surge of excitement at the nearness of Margaret Thatcher’s demise.” He wasn’t justifying such sentiments; they were examples of the desperate, perverse cast of mind to which many leftists were then reduced. If anybody wants a political career, they had best eschew not only sexual adventure but also irony, reflexivity, paradox and similar literary devices.

Peter Wilby was editor of the Independent on Sunday from 1995 to 1996 and of the New Statesman from 1998 to 2005. He writes the weekly First Thoughts column for the NS.

This article first appeared in the 04 March 2013 issue of the New Statesman, The fall of Pistorius

Getty
Show Hide image

The New Times: Brexit, globalisation, the crisis in Labour and the future of the left

With essays by David Miliband, Paul Mason, John Harris, Lisa Nandy, Vince Cable and more.

Once again the “new times” are associated with the ascendancy of the right. The financial crash of 2007-2008 – and the Great Recession and sovereign debt crises that were a consequence of it – were meant to have marked the end of an era of runaway “turbocapitalism”. It never came close to happening. The crash was a crisis of capitalism but not the crisis of capitalism. As Lenin observed, there is “no such thing as an absolutely hopeless situation” for capitalism, and so we discovered again. Instead, the greatest burden of the period of fiscal retrenchment that followed the crash was carried by the poorest in society, those most directly affected by austerity, and this in turn has contributed to a deepening distrust of elites and a wider crisis of governance.

Where are we now and in which direction are we heading?

Some of the contributors to this special issue believe that we have reached the end of the “neoliberal” era. I am more sceptical. In any event, the end of neoliberalism, however you define it, will not lead to a social-democratic revival: it looks as if, in many Western countries, we are entering an age in which centre-left parties cannot form ruling majorities, having leaked support to nationalists, populists and more radical alternatives.

Certainly the British Labour Party, riven by a war between its parliamentary representatives and much of its membership, is in a critical condition. At the same time, Jeremy Corbyn’s leadership has inspired a remarkable re-engagement with left-wing politics, even as his party slumps in the polls. His own views may seem frozen in time, but hundreds of thousands of people, many of them young graduates, have responded to his anti-austerity rhetoric, his candour and his shambolic, unspun style.

The EU referendum, in which as much as one-third of Labour supporters voted for Brexit, exposed another chasm in Labour – this time between educated metropolitan liberals and the more socially conservative white working class on whose loyalty the party has long depended. This no longer looks like a viable election-winning coalition, especially after the collapse of Labour in Scotland and the concomitant rise of nationalism in England.

In Marxism Today’s “New Times” issue of October 1988, Stuart Hall wrote: “The left seems not just displaced by Thatcherism, but disabled, flattened, becalmed by the very prospect of change; afraid of rooting itself in ‘the new’ and unable to make the leap of imagination required to engage the future.” Something similar could be said of the left today as it confronts Brexit, the disunities within the United Kingdom, and, in Theresa May, a prime minister who has indicated that she might be prepared to break with the orthodoxies of the past three decades.

The Labour leadership contest between Corbyn and Owen Smith was largely an exercise in nostalgia, both candidates seeking to revive policies that defined an era of mass production and working-class solidarity when Labour was strong. On matters such as immigration, digital disruption, the new gig economy or the power of networks, they had little to say. They proposed a politics of opposition – against austerity, against grammar schools. But what were they for? Neither man seemed capable of embracing the “leading edge of change” or of making the imaginative leap necessary to engage the future.

So is there a politics of the left that will allow us to ride with the currents of these turbulent “new times” and thus shape rather than be flattened by them? Over the next 34 pages 18 writers, offering many perspectives, attempt to answer this and related questions as they analyse the forces shaping a world in which power is shifting to the East, wars rage unchecked in the Middle East, refugees drown en masse in the Mediterranean, technology is outstripping our capacity to understand it, and globalisation begins to fragment.

— Jason Cowley, Editor 

Tom Kibasi on what the left fails to see

Philip Collins on why it's time for Labour to end its crisis

John Harris on why Labour is losing its heartland

Lisa Nandy on how Labour has been halted and hollowed out

David Runciman on networks and the digital revolution

John Gray on why the right, not the left, has grasped the new times

Mariana Mazzucato on why it's time for progressives to rethink capitalism

Robert Ford on why the left must reckon with the anger of those left behind

Ros Wynne-Jones on the people who need a Labour government most

Gary Gerstle on Corbyn, Sanders and the populist surge

Nick Pearce on why the left is haunted by the ghosts of the 1930s

Paul Mason on why the left must be ready to cause a commotion

Neal Lawson on what the new, 21st-century left needs now

Charles Leadbeater explains why we are all existentialists now

John Bew mourns the lost left

Marc Stears on why democracy is a long, hard, slow business

Vince Cable on how a financial crisis empowered the right

David Miliband on why the left needs to move forward, not back

This article first appeared in the 22 September 2016 issue of the New Statesman, The New Times