The Sun puts Cameron on notice as it fails to back the Tories

For the first time in its history, the paper refuses to endorse any party for the local elections.

"It is my job to see that Cameron f****** well gets into Downing Street". So the Sun's political editor Tom Newton Dunn is said to have declared in 2010. But three years on, the paper isn't so well disposed to the Tories. Rather than casting its vote for Cameron's party, the tabloid has chosen to abstain. Its leader states:

The Sun is not going to tell you how to vote today

From our very first paper, 44 years ago, we have always remained politically independent.

We have never served any set party — and we never will.

Sometimes we endorsed Labour or the Tories at election times.

But today, as 18 million people have the chance to elect new local councils, none of the big four deserves our support.

Tories, Labour, Lib Dems and yes, even UKIP, have all proved beyond your trust.

It adds that while the Conservatives "should be the best at getting value for your pound", too many of their councils have "defied the PM's demand to freeze council tax for struggling workers. That is unacceptable". 

After Rupert Murdoch's recent meeting with Nigel Farage, the paper praises the UKIP's leader's "plain talking" but goes on to say that "little of it really stands up as proper thought-through policy" and asks: "how can you trust a chaotic mob that mistakenly puts forward so many fruitcakes and extremists?"

Just like some of those who will vote UKIP today, the Sun is likely to return to the Conservative fold before 2015 but the leader is a notable warning to Cameron. The paper is furious at his decision to cave in to Labour over press regulation and dismayed by the weakness of Britain's economic recovery. The leader that follows its non-endorsement is a typical example. 

David Cameron said the Tories were on the side of "start-ups, go-getters, risk-takers".

“What drives us mad,” the PM declared, “is the bureaucracy, the forms, the nonsense getting in our way.”

Yet two years on, small businesses – the lifeblood of Britain – are still being strangled by red tape.

It’s no wonder one in three fail within their first three years.

As they die, so does the recovery.

The days when the Sun had any significant influence on the outcome of general elections are over (if they ever existed) but a refusal to endorse the Tories in 2015 would still be viewed as a significant blow to Cameron. Two years out from the election, the paper has served the PM a warning: don't take our support for granted.

Rupert Murdoch holds up a copy of The Sun on Sunday as he leaves his London home on February 26, 2012. Photograph: Getty Images.

George Eaton is political editor of the New Statesman.

Photo: Getty
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Like it or hate it, it doesn't matter: Brexit is happening, and we've got to make a success of it

It's time to stop complaining and start campaigning, says Stella Creasy.

A shortage of Marmite, arguments over exporting jam and angry Belgians. And that’s just this month.  As the Canadian trade deal stalls, and the government decides which cottage industry its will pick next as saviour for the nation, the British people are still no clearer getting an answer to what Brexit actually means. And they are also no clearer as to how they can have a say in how that question is answered.

To date there have been three stages to Brexit. The first was ideological: an ever-rising euroscepticism, rooted in a feeling that the costs the compromises working with others require were not comparable to the benefits. It oozed out, almost unnoticed, from its dormant home deep in the Labour left and the Tory right, stoked by Ukip to devastating effect.

The second stage was the campaign of that referendum itself: a focus on immigration over-riding a wider debate about free trade, and underpinned by the tempting and vague claim that, in an unstable, unfair world, control could be taken back. With any deal dependent on the agreement of twenty eight other countries, it has already proved a hollow victory.

For the last few months, these consequences of these two stages have dominated discussion, generating heat, but not light about what happens next. Neither has anything helped to bring back together those who feel their lives are increasingly at the mercy of a political and economic elite and those who fear Britain is retreating from being a world leader to a back water.

Little wonder the analogy most commonly and easily reached for by commentators has been that of a divorce. They speculate our coming separation from our EU partners is going to be messy, combative and rancorous. Trash talk from some - including those in charge of negotiating -  further feeds this perception. That’s why it is time for all sides to push onto Brexit part three: the practical stage. How and when is it actually going to happen?

A more constructive framework to use than marriage is one of a changing business, rather than a changing relationship. Whatever the solid economic benefits of EU membership, the British people decided the social and democratic costs had become too great. So now we must adapt.

Brexit should be as much about innovating in what we make and create as it is about seeking to renew our trading deals with the world. New products must be sought alongside new markets. This doesn’t have to mean cutting corners or cutting jobs, but it does mean being prepared to learn new skills and invest in helping those in industries that are struggling to make this leap to move on. The UK has an incredible and varied set of services and products to offer the world, but will need to focus on what we do well and uniquely here to thrive. This is easier said than done, but can also offer hope. Specialising and skilling up also means we can resist those who want us to jettison hard-won environmental and social protections as an alternative. 

Most accept such a transition will take time. But what is contested is that it will require openness. However, handing the public a done deal - however well mediated - will do little to address the division within our country. Ensuring the best deal in a way that can garner the public support it needs to work requires strong feedback channels. That is why transparency about the government's plans for Brexit is so important. Of course, a balance needs to be struck with the need to protect negotiating positions, but scrutiny by parliament- and by extension the public- will be vital. With so many differing factors at stake and choices to be made, MPs have to be able and willing to bring their constituents into the discussion not just about what Brexit actually entails, but also what kind of country Britain will be during and after the result - and their role in making it happen. 

Those who want to claim the engagement of parliament and the public undermines the referendum result are still in stages one and two of this debate, looking for someone to blame for past injustices, not building a better future for all. Our Marmite may be safe for the moment, but Brexit can’t remain a love it or hate it phenomenon. It’s time for everyone to get practical.