Even with investment, a usable vaccine is still a decade away. Photograph: Marco Longari/Getty Images.
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Underground epidemic: the tuberculosis crisis in South Africa's gold mines

South Africa's gold mining industry has suffered a number of setbacks in recent years. Repeated union strikes have resulted in bloody clashes between workers and police. Economic pressure has increased after a recent fall in the price of gold. However, there is another major problem blighting the South African gold mining industry - one which rarely makes international headlines: the seemingly unstoppable tuberculosis (TB) epidemic, which has spread through the majority of the workforce.

Pulmonary TB is a known killer in many countries, but nowhere is it thought to be more prolific than deep underground in South Africa’s gold mines. Statistics provided by non-profit biotech company Aeras, which works to advance TB research and development and is this month heading up a TB and mining awareness campaign, states that of the 2.3 million new cases of TB reported in Africa last year, 760,000 – almost a third – were connected to mining in sub-Saharan Africa. According to Aeras, nine out of ten gold miners in South Africa are latently infected with TB and one mine worker with active TB can spread the disease to between 10 and 15 other people.

“The [South African] mining industry, in particular gold and platinum, has some of the highest rates of TB in the world, if not the highest,” says Aeras Vice President of External Affairs, Kari Stoever.

“TB is a major risk in this occupation [mining] that is providing a livelihood for over a million people in just the South African region.”

One of the biggest gold miners in the region, AngloGold Ashanti, said the company recognises the scale of the problem: “We are certainly cognisant of the gravity of the TB problem in South Africa as a whole, and therefore also in the gold mining industry. Over the past decade we have intensified our efforts to address this issue,” said a representative.

HIV infection and exposure to silica dust in ultra-deep mines, along with close working and living conditions predispose South African gold miners to TB, according to a study published in The New England Journal of Medicine in January.

Results of the large-scale, five-year study of 78,744 miners in 15 gold mines from 2006 to 2011, showed that intervention treatment did not reduce the incidence of TB. Although it did show a reduced incidence of TB during treatment, 12 months after the study, researchers did not find any difference in the number of cases of TB in those who had preventative therapy and those who didn’t.

Stoever says the problem may not be isolated to South Africa, but other African mining nations as well, such as the Democratic Republic of Congo, where TB is endemic, and Ghana, but it is impossible to know for sure because the data isn’t being collected.

The infectious and often fatal disease, which attacks the lungs and is spread through the air, is having a huge affect on miner’s health, as well as that of their families and their finances. It’s also costing mining companies heavily in lost productivity and costly treatment and in turn the general economy because the mining industry makes up 18 per cent of South Africa’s Gross Domestic Product.

According to Aeras, the TB epidemic results in miners losing $320 million per year in lost wages. TB treatment is reported to cost the South African government and mining industry more than $360 million per year.

Stoever says the total economic toll of TB in South Africa is estimated to be about $1.3bn per year. “South Africa went from being number one in production of gold to sixth in the world but they are number one for cost,” she adds.

However, there is no straight-forward solution to the problem. Treating TB isn’t cheap and it can be complicated due to increasing drug resistance or the presence of HIV. Stoever says treatment for straightforward TB is six months of antibiotics followed by ensuring the individual is not infectious before returning down the mine. For drug-resistant TB, treatment is a combination of highly toxic drugs for up to two years. In some mine treatment centres this can cause a sanatorium-type lockdown until the workers' sputum clears. Drug resistance is also a huge concern which, if it worsens, which is entirely possible, could be “catastrophic” says Stoever.

Currently there is no vaccine for TB in adults, but there is a common misconception that the Bacillus Calmette-Guérin vaccine (BCG) given to school children around the world can protect against adult respiratory TB , but it is much less effective in protecting adults against pulmonary TB than it is children.

Mining companies, particularly the bigger ones, have largely been addressing the TB epidemic head-on. Stoever, speaking after visiting hospitals run by both AngloGold Ashanti and Anglo American Platinum, two of the biggest gold miners in South Africa, said both companies are doing an  “outstanding" job of finding TB cases and ensuring miners are getting the appropriate treatments but adds that she is sure “some [companies] have better practises than others”.

AngloGold Ashanti say it has had some success in reducing the incidence rate of TB, reducing the incidence rate [percentage of employees who develop TB during the year] in its South African operations from 4.3 per cent in 2006 to 1.8 per cent in 2012. It added that all patients remain in employment throughout the course of their treatment. Despite these positive results the company recognises that “more challenges remain.”

In the wake of the disappointing trial results published in The New England Journal of Medicine in January, Aeras is currently in discussion with the Chamber of Mines in South Africa and many mining executives to find an alternative long-term solution.

Stoever says Aeras wants to create a “virtuous cycle” related to the markets.

She explains: “If we could somehow look at gold  as a commodity, gold as a natural resource, gold as a big driver of economic development in the South Africa region… and figure out a way to create this virtuous cycle where we then put money into the health system to fight infectious diseases like TB and HIV both with our current tools, which have their limitations, but also in research and development, where we really have  our best bet in potentially eliminating TB and HIV with vaccines in the future.”

“This isn’t an act of charity; this is a real bottom line business for families and communities,” she adds.

Anglo-Gold Ashanti also recognise that any long-term solution must be a collaborative one. It says: “The fight against TB is a collective responsibility of all the role players in society – people in their individual capacity, organised business, organised labour and other organs of civil society.”

It adds that it is “willing to partner with like-minded stakeholders to find durable solutions.”

Right now a vaccine seems to be the only viable long-term solution, but Stoever admits that although research and development has improved from no TB vaccine candidates in 2000 to 13 today, six of which Aeras is working on, a usable vaccine is still likely a decade away. The key, as Aeras knows, is keeping up thorough and rigorous treatment of TB and convincing mining companies and the government that a vaccine is worth investing in. No one should have to risk repeated TB infection just from going to work.

Heidi Vella is a features writer for

Photo: Getty Images
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What's to be done about racial inequality?

David Cameron's words on equal opportunities are to be welcomed - now for some action, says Sunder Katwala.

David Cameron made the strongest, clearest and most high profile statement about ethnic inequalities and the need to tackle discrimination ever yet offered by a British Prime Minister in his leader’s speech to the Conservative Party conference in Manchester.
“Picture this. You’ve graduated with a good degree. You send out your CV far and wide. But you get rejection after rejection. What’s wrong? It’s not the qualifications or the previous experience. It’s just two words at the top: first name, surname. Do you know that in our country today: even if they have exactly the same qualifications, people with white-sounding names are nearly twice as likely to get call backs for jobs than people with ethnic-sounding names? … That, in 21st century Britain, is disgraceful. We can talk all we want about opportunity, but it’s meaningless unless people are really judged equally”, said Cameron.
While the proof of the pudding will be in the eating, this was a powerfully argued Prime Ministerial intervention – and a particularly well-timed one, for three reasons.

Firstly, the Prime Minister was able to root his case in an all-but-universally accepted appeal for equal opportunities. It will always prove more difficult in practice to put political energy and resources behind efforts to remedy discrimination against a minority of the population unless a convincing fairness case is made that values cherished across our whole society are at stake. Cameron’s argument, that any party which tells itself that it is the party of the ‘fair chance’ and ‘the equal shot’ must have a response when there is such clear evidence of discrimination, should prove persuasive to a Conservative Party that has not seen race inequalities as its natural territory. Cameron argued that the same principles should animate responses to discrimination when it comes to race, gender and social class. Put like that, wanting job interviews to be fair – by eradicating conscious and unconscious patterns of bias wherever possible – would strike most Britons as offering as clear a case of the values of fair play as wanting the best baker to win the Great British Bake-Off on television.
Secondly, Cameron’s intervention comes at a potential "tipping point" moment for fair opportunities across ethnic groups. Traditionally, ethnic discrimination has been discussed primarily through the lens of its impact on the most marginalised. Certainly, persistent gaps in the criminal justice system, mental health provision and unemployment rates remain stark for some minority groups. What has been less noticed is the emergence of a much more complex pattern of opportunity and disadvantage – not least as a consequence of significant ethnic minority progress.

Most strikingly of all, in educational outcomes, historic attainment gaps between ethnic minorities and their white British peers have disappeared over the last decade. In the aggregate, ethnic minorities get better GCSE results on average. Ethnic minority Britons are more likely, not less likely, to be university graduates than their fellow citizens. 

As a result of that progress, Cameron’s intervention comes at a moment of significant potential – but significant risk too. Britain’s ethnic minorities are the youngest and fastest-growing sections of British society. If that educational progress translates into economic success, it will make a significant contribution to the "Great British Take-Off" that the Prime Minister envisions. But if that does not happen, with educational convergence combined with current ‘ethnic penalties’ in employment and income persisting, then that potential could well curdle into frustration that the British promise of equal opportunities is not being kept.  Cameron also mirrored his own language in committing himself to both a ‘fight against extremism’ and a ‘fight against discrimination’: while those are distinct challenges and causes, actively pursuing both tracks simultaneously has the potential, at least, depolarise some debates about responses to extremism  - and so to help deepen the broad social coalitions we need for a more cohesive society too.

Thirdly, Cameron’s challenge could mark an important deepening in the political competition between the major parties on race issues. Many have been struck by the increase in political attention on the centre-right to race issues over the last five to ten years. The focus has been on the politics of representation. By increasing the number of non-white Conservative MPs from two to seventeen since 2005, Cameron has sent a powerful signal that Labour’s traditional claim to be ‘the party of ethnic minorities’ would now be contested. Cameron was again able to celebrate in Manchester several ways in which his Cabinet and Parliamentary benches demonstrate many successful journeys of migrant and minority integration in British society. That might perhaps help to ease the fears, about integration being impossible in an era of higher immigration, which the Home Secretary had articulated the previous day.

So symbolism can matter. But facial diversity is not enough. The politics of ethnic minority opportunity needs to be about more than visits to gurdwaras, diversity nights at the party conference fringes and unveiling statues of Mahatma Gandhi in Parliament Square. Jeremy Corbyn’s first speech as Labour leader did include one brief celebratory reference to Britain’s ethnic diversity – “as I travelled the country during the leadership campaign it was wonderful to see the diversity of all the people in our country” – and to Labour bringing in more black, Asian and ethnic minority members - but it did not include any substantial content on discrimination. Tim Farron acknowledged during his leadership campaign that the Liberal Democrats have struggled to get to the starting-line on race and diversity at all. The opposition parties too will no doubt now be challenged to match not just the Prime Minister’s rhetorical commitment to challenging inequalities but also to propose how it could be done in practice.

Non-white Britons expect substance, not just symbolism from all of the parties on race inequalites.  Survation’s large survey of ethnic minority voters for British Future showed the Conservatives winning more ethnic minority support than ever before – but just 29 per cent of non-white respondents were confident that the Conservatives are committed to treating people of every ethnic background equally, while 54 per cent said this of Labour. Respondents were twice as likely to say that the Conservatives needto do more to reach out – and the Prime Minister would seem to be committed to showing that he has got that message.  Moreover, there is evidence that ethnic inclusion could be important in broadening a party’s appeal to other younger, urban and more liberal white voters too – which is why it made sense for this issue to form part of a broader attempt by David Cameron to colonise the broad centre of British politics in his Manchester speech.

But the case for caution is that there has been limited policy attention to ethnic inequalities under the last two governments. Restaurateur Iqbal Wahhab decided to give up his role chairing an ethnic minority taskforce for successive governments, unconvinced there was a political commitment to do much more than convene a talking shop. Lib Dem equalities minister Lynne Featherstone did push the CV discrimination issue – but many Conservatives were sceptical. Cameron’s new commitment may face similar challenges from those whose instinct is to worry that more attention to discrimination or bias in the jobs market will mean more red tape for business.

Labour had a separate race inequalities manifesto in 2015, outside of its main election manifesto, while the Conservative manifesto did not contain significant commitments to racial inequality. The mid-campaign launch in Croydon of a series of race equality pledges showed an increasing awareness of the growing importance of ethnic minority votes - though the fact that they all involved aiming for increases of 20 per cent by 2020 gave them a slightly back-of-the-envelope feel. 

Prime Ministerial commitments have an important agenda-setting function. A generation ago the Stephen Lawrence case opened the eyes of middle England to racist violence and police failures, particularly through the Daily Mail’s persistent challenging of those injustices. A Conservative Prime Minister’s words could similarly make a big difference in the mainstreaming of the issue of inequalities of opportunity. What action should follow words? Between now and next year’s party conference season, that must will now be the test for this Conservative government – and for their political opponents too. 

Sunder Katwala is director of British Future and former general secretary of the Fabian Society.