Could Clegg kill the NHS bill?

The Lib Dem leader remains the greatest threat to the health bill's survival.

"We're fucked". That, according to today's Daily Telegraph, was David Cameron's terse response after he was briefed on Andrew Lansley's health reforms following the general election. His words have proved prophetic. The Tories now trail Labour by 15 points as the party that has "the best approach to the NHS" and just 20 per cent of voters believe the NHS is "safe in David Cameron's hands".

Cameron's strong defence of private competition at yesterday's PMQs suggests that he's in no mood to compromise. But the yellow half of the coalition may yet force him to do so. Nick Robinson's report last night that Nick Clegg is considering reneging his support for the bill is a sign of just how high tensions are running. For now, the Lib Dem leader is encouraging his peers to table further amendments to limit competition in an attempt to head off a revolt at his party's spring conference next month. But should this route fail, who's to say Clegg won't choose the nuclear option? As Robinson reported yesterday, the Lib Dem leader "has told allies that he is losing more activists from the party on this issue than he did on tuition fees".

Clegg was discredited when he gave his backing to the bill at the start of last year (Shirley Williams recently revealed that he hadn't bothered to read it). But it is he, rather than Labour and the health unions, who now poses the greatest threat to its survival.

George Eaton is political editor of the New Statesman.

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Theresa May is paying the price for mismanaging Boris Johnson

The Foreign Secretary's bruised ego may end up destroying Theresa May. 

And to think that Theresa May scheduled her big speech for this Friday to make sure that Conservative party conference wouldn’t be dominated by the matter of Brexit. Now, thanks to Boris Johnson, it won’t just be her conference, but Labour’s, which is overshadowed by Brexit in general and Tory in-fighting in particular. (One imagines that the Labour leadership will find a way to cope somehow.)

May is paying the price for mismanaging Johnson during her period of political hegemony after she became leader. After he was betrayed by Michael Gove and lacking any particular faction in the parliamentary party, she brought him back from the brink of political death by making him Foreign Secretary, but also used her strength and his weakness to shrink his empire.

The Foreign Office had its responsibility for negotiating Brexit hived off to the newly-created Department for Exiting the European Union (Dexeu) and for navigating post-Brexit trade deals to the Department of International Trade. Johnson was given control of one of the great offices of state, but with no responsibility at all for the greatest foreign policy challenge since the Second World War.

Adding to his discomfort, the new Foreign Secretary was regularly the subject of jokes from the Prime Minister and cabinet colleagues. May likened him to a dog that had to be put down. Philip Hammond quipped about him during his joke-fuelled 2017 Budget. All of which gave Johnson’s allies the impression that Johnson-hunting was a licensed sport as far as Downing Street was concerned. He was then shut out of the election campaign and has continued to be a marginalised figure even as the disappointing election result forced May to involve the wider cabinet in policymaking.

His sense of exclusion from the discussions around May’s Florence speech only added to his sense of isolation. May forgot that if you aren’t going to kill, don’t wound: now, thanks to her lost majority, she can’t afford to put any of the Brexiteers out in the cold, and Johnson is once again where he wants to be: centre-stage. 

Stephen Bush is special correspondent at the New Statesman. His daily briefing, Morning Call, provides a quick and essential guide to domestic and global politics.