Should Oxbridge be abolished for undergraduates?

The Friday Question: why not turn Oxford and Cambridge into postgraduate universities?

The universities of Oxford and Cambridge appear to have an incurable and inherent bias towards applicants from the minority of schools that are well-resourced to prepare their pupils for Oxbridge entrance.

The heavy emphasis on research and international scholarship means that many Oxbridge academics are also unable or unwilling to teach undergraduates on the scale that an undergraduate university really requires.

An Oxbridge undergraduate experience will, of course, provide significant future benefits to the very small number of lucky undergraduates who actually do get a place, and who can get the attention of a tutor to teach them.

But is this really the best use to which these ancient and famous universities can be put? And is the price of social exclusion one worth paying?

Can we keep Oxford and Cambridge as international centres of learning, but lose the effects of social exclusion caused by the inevitably socially biased admissions regime for bachelor degrees?

Can we break the hold that Oxbridge undergraduates have over so many areas of public and professional life, but keep the academic reputations of the two universities intact?

Shouldn't we just turn Oxford and Cambridge into postgraduate universities?

 

David Allen Green was educated at a comprehensive school, a local tertiary college, and Oxford University.

David Allen Green is legal correspondent of the New Statesman and author of the Jack of Kent blog.

His legal journalism has included popularising the Simon Singh libel case and discrediting the Julian Assange myths about his extradition case.  His uncovering of the Nightjack email hack by the Times was described as "masterly analysis" by Lord Justice Leveson.

David is also a solicitor and was successful in the "Twitterjoketrial" appeal at the High Court.

(Nothing on this blog constitutes legal advice.)

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Theresa May is paying the price for mismanaging Boris Johnson

The Foreign Secretary's bruised ego may end up destroying Theresa May. 

And to think that Theresa May scheduled her big speech for this Friday to make sure that Conservative party conference wouldn’t be dominated by the matter of Brexit. Now, thanks to Boris Johnson, it won’t just be her conference, but Labour’s, which is overshadowed by Brexit in general and Tory in-fighting in particular. (One imagines that the Labour leadership will find a way to cope somehow.)

May is paying the price for mismanaging Johnson during her period of political hegemony after she became leader. After he was betrayed by Michael Gove and lacking any particular faction in the parliamentary party, she brought him back from the brink of political death by making him Foreign Secretary, but also used her strength and his weakness to shrink his empire.

The Foreign Office had its responsibility for negotiating Brexit hived off to the newly-created Department for Exiting the European Union (Dexeu) and for navigating post-Brexit trade deals to the Department of International Trade. Johnson was given control of one of the great offices of state, but with no responsibility at all for the greatest foreign policy challenge since the Second World War.

Adding to his discomfort, the new Foreign Secretary was regularly the subject of jokes from the Prime Minister and cabinet colleagues. May likened him to a dog that had to be put down. Philip Hammond quipped about him during his joke-fuelled 2017 Budget. All of which gave Johnson’s allies the impression that Johnson-hunting was a licensed sport as far as Downing Street was concerned. He was then shut out of the election campaign and has continued to be a marginalised figure even as the disappointing election result forced May to involve the wider cabinet in policymaking.

His sense of exclusion from the discussions around May’s Florence speech only added to his sense of isolation. May forgot that if you aren’t going to kill, don’t wound: now, thanks to her lost majority, she can’t afford to put any of the Brexiteers out in the cold, and Johnson is once again where he wants to be: centre-stage. 

Stephen Bush is special correspondent at the New Statesman. His daily briefing, Morning Call, provides a quick and essential guide to domestic and global politics.