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How learning Welsh opened my eyes to progressive smugness

The Welsh government wants to promote the Welsh language. Yet many English speakers are disinterested in preserving it. 

This week has seen the launch of a new white paper on the Welsh language by the Labour Welsh government. Cymraeg 2050 talks of increasing the number of Welsh speakers to one million by 2050. That target already existed, but the document gives more detail on how it is proposed to get there. Much of the emphasis is placed on education: increasing nursery provision in Welsh, having more primary school children taught in the language, and improving teaching to Welsh learners.

The document targets a substantial expansion in the number of speakers of Welsh, and in the use of the language across daily life in Wales. The current reality is rather less impressive. The Welsh language has not suffered the death foretold by Saunders Lewis in 1962. But it could hardly be said to be going from strength to strength. Although Welsh-medium schooling is growing, the number of local communities where Welsh is the majority language continues to erode. The 2011 census actually showed a showed a small decline in the numbers claiming to speak Cymraeg.

This is not an issue on which I can claim, or aspire to, neutrality. Born and raised in England, I moved to live and work in Aberystwyth in January 2000. I recall, early on, some of my new Welsh friends remarking with a tone of pleasant surprise on my positive attitude to their language. I began formal lessons a little later, and after a bit told a couple of good friends at work that we would now begin every conversation in Welsh. At first, the point at which I would feel the need to switch to English usually arrived quite soon. Then it got later; and now it would never arrive.

Welsh is my second language. (Although that in part says something about the typically English, and poor, standard of my French). I don’t often dream in it, and would rarely count in it. But I use Cymraeg every day. I have taught and broadcast in Welsh; this summer I’ll be giving a lecture on the general election at the National Eisteddfod in Ynys Môn. Part of my wedding ceremony will also be in Welsh. (Reflecting my other half’s cultural inheritance, part will also be in Punjabi – although she is the one who was born in the valleys). I was not born into, or raised in, the Welsh language. But, later in life, I have been given at least partial insight into a culture of extraordinary richness and history. This matters to me a great deal.

Along my sometimes stumbling journey with the Welsh language I have met with nothing but encouragement and support. I have often been very glad of this – but also occasionally deeply saddened. Too many people have appeared, on too many occasions, to be almost pathetically grateful that I have shown their culture some respect. They should be entitled to expect that as a matter of course. But the daily lived experience of far too many Welsh speakers is the exact opposite. Respect for the Welsh language, and Welsh culture, is distinctly an optional extra in Wales, never mind across the UK as a whole.

If the one million speakers target is to be achieved, there will need to be much more rapid progress than has been evident in recent years. That will require changed behaviours across many communities, and many areas of life, in Wales. Increasing Welsh medium education, for instance, has often been resisted by some local authorities. And advancing the Welsh language can sometimes be in tension with other laudable principles and aims. Increasing Welsh-medium education will mean recruiting more people who can teach through Welsh, or teach Welsh. Yet those who can do so are – currently at least – overwhelmingly white. Wales also suffers a shortage of black and minority ethnic teachers, and the desire for a more diverse workforce will tend to conflict with prioritising more Welsh-speaking teachers.

But to underpin practical changes there will need to be a fundamental change in attitudes. That remains an uphill struggle. Within Wales, surveys consistently indicate most people have a positive attitude to the language. But Wales exists within the British state. And, to the extent they think about such things at all, many of those with a strongly British identity are deeply contemptuous of the native non-English languages of these islands. Welsh, along with Gaelic and Irish, is rarely valued as part of the collective cultural heritage of all of us in these islands. This should belong to all of us – but it does not.

The left has no room for smugness on this issue. Lots of people who would happily support indigenous cultures in the global south have little time for them in the UK. Many friends and colleagues in Aberystwyth, who would be impeccably leftist on other matters, made no attempt to engage with the local culture around them, and were seemingly oblivious to the linguistic marginalisation and colonialism in which they were complicit. But they were hardly alone. The Green party in Wales, for instance, has rarely shown much time for the language, and sometimes appeared almost openly dismissive.

Cymraeg 2050 was launched this week by Welsh First Minister Carwyn Jones, and Welsh cabinet member responsible for the language Alun Davies. Both are fluent Welsh speakers, and I have no reason to doubt the sincerity of their ambition. But elsewhere in their party very different attitudes have often been evident, and are sometimes still so. A side-consequence of the long Labour dominance in Welsh politics is that some of most important divisions in Wales run through the party rather than between it and its opponents. That remains so with regards to the Welsh language. Wish Jones and Davies pob lwc (all good luck) in pursuing their aims. They will need it.

Roger Scully is Professor of Political Science in the Wales Governance Centre at Cardiff University.

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What the university staff strike reveals about our broken higher education system

The marketisation of our universities is facing its biggest opposition yet.

The biggest industrial strike ever by academic staff in Britain's universities has begun.

National newspapers are running panicked headlines about what may happen if the strike lasts: “University strike puts final exams in danger”, warns The Times. “University strikes could hit exams and graduation ceremonies”, says the Guardian. But as well as affecting the education of students who are heavily in debt, the strikes will hit academics with very different levels of job security, and university establishments at a time when higher education is on the political agenda. 

The University and College Union voted for strike action last month over a failure to reach an agreement with Universities UK (UUK), the body which represents of the Vice Chancellors of every university in the country, over changes to academics' pension plans.

The pension scheme at the heart of the conflict, the Universities Superannuation Scheme, currently has over 400,000 participants. UUK have stated that the pension scheme currently has a £6.1bn deficit and that the cost of future benefits has increased by one third since 2014. They are proposing a switch from a direct benefit pension scheme (fixed, guaranteed pension payments) to a direct contribution scheme (reliant on stock markets) to maintain the scheme's sustainability.

However, many academics argue the deficit is overstated, and is instead a cynical attempt to reduce the universities' pension liabilties. 

Older and more senior academics who have already spent several decades paying into the system will be less affected by the changes, as contributions will be protected under the old scheme until 2019. 

UCU however allege that this change will result in an average yearly £10,000 loss in staff members' pensions. Academics at 61 universities, including the likes of Oxbridge, UCL, Imperial College London, Cardiff University and the University of Edinburgh will be striking for 14 days. 

The strikes begin on Thursday, and yet no-one seems to know what will happen. FAQs provided by universities to students all appear to have a similar theme: Academic disruption will be minimised, but if you have a complaint, please email us. 

16 percent of academic staff at these universities will be on strike (because most academics aren't a part of a union) but lectures and seminars have still been cancelled. It is still unclear for students whether they will be examined on subjects that they will miss. 

But for the most part, students appear to support the academics. Mark Crawford, a Postgraduate Sabbatical Officer at UCL (the biggest university in the country to strike) says he has been pleasantly surprised by the number of students who have messaged asking him how they can help. 

Perhaps this is due to the pains some academics have gone to minimise the disruption their students will face. Some lecturers have made presentations available online, and have amendeded their reading lists. One academic at King's College London, KCL, has even rearranged her seminars off campus. 

Yet this feeling of goodwill may disappear when reality kicks in. Robert Adderly, a second year Law student at KCL, and a campaigner for the student group provocatively titled “Students Against Strikes” says he’s unsure how supportive students will be once the action actually begins. 

Adderly, while sympathetic to the concerns of the academics does not believe striking is the most effective way to negotiate with Universities UK. He goes on to say that he believes “neither side is willing to compromise” and says that the “only people losing out are students.”

He also says he believes a lot of students “haven’t assessed how they really feel about the strikes” and that the “longer it goes on, the more students who will get angry”. 

Adderly's thoughts are backed by a poll conducted by Trendence UK, a market research company, which found that 38 per cent of students supported their academics on strike, compred to 38 per cent who did not.

Several academics have spoken to the New Statesman off the record about feelings of uneasiness around the strike, arguing that there is a better, less disruptive way of resolving the pension debate. Others are unsure about the leadership of UCU and believe striking will only lead to a build up of work later. 

Professor Andrew Pomiankowski at UCL emailed his students saying while he supported the strike, he would continue conducting his classes this week. He later told the New Statesman “I have a lot of sympathy with the reasons for the strike - the loss of provision of pensions, especially for the younger members of staff. Talking is the only way of resolving this problem. However, I don’t feel that I should disrupt teaching of students. That’s a step too far.”

The strikes go to the heart of the debate about the marketisation of university. Even students who support the strike are in conflict with one another. Notably, students who support the strikes are unhappy with campaigns such as Adderly’s which are also demanding universities compensate them for lost teaching hours. Crawford says your “first instinct shouldn’t be how much am I losing? It should be how much is our staff losing.”

On the other hand, Adderly argues we shouldn’t pretend the marketisation of university hasn’t already happened, saying “It’s here. It’s happening. We are now consumers.” 

Though it appears unlikely that universities will refund students, these strikes are highlighting how our attitudes to higher education have changed in a short space of time, and causing some to ask if this is the future we want for British higher education.