We have heard that ten-year-old Damilola Taylor was the victim of bullying, but we have not been told about the nature of that bullying. In the days leading up to his murder in south London in November 2000, he was subjected to vicious homophobic abuse and assaults. But the police dismissed homophobia as irrelevant to the murder investigation. Despite evidence of anti-gay taunts and beatings, the possibility of a homophobic motive for Damilola’s murder was swept under the carpet. The police have not, so far, explained why.
In contrast to the outcry over the way officers dealt with the murder of Stephen Lawrence, the apparent mishandling of the investigation into Damilola’s killing hasn’t raised an eyebrow. There have been no calls for the resignation of the Metropolitan Police Commissioner, and no demands for the Home Secretary to set up an inquiry into institutional homophobia within the police service.
Instead, there was a half-baked inquiry headed by the Bishop of Birmingham, John Sentamu. It was supposed to examine the police handling of the Damilola murder investigation and the subsequent failed prosecution. But when it reported last month, the inquiry team ignored the homophobic bullying. The police were, it seems, so desperate to be politically correct on race that they overlooked the homophobia staring them in the face. The bishop’s inquiry made the same mistake.
This oversight is odd. Evidence of anti-gay violence against Damilola emerged the day after he was stabbed to death. His parents revealed that he had been subjected to homophobic bullying at school and had been queer-bashed three days before the fatal attack. His three assailants accused him of being gay. Were these the same three boys who were later witnessed near the scene of the murder?
In the days following his death, the Guardian, Independent and Telegraph reported that Damilola had been bullied and taunted as a “gay boy”. His mother, Gloria, alleges that teachers at her son’s school, Oliver Goldsmith, in Peckham, failed to take complaints about bullying seriously. Damilola’s father, Richard, said: “I spoke to him and he was crying that he was being bullied and being called names. He was being called gay.”
Did the police investigate these earlier hate attacks on Damilola? It appears not. This failure was a serious departure from standard murder investigation procedures. Officers seemingly ignored evidence that could link Damilola’s murder to the homophobic bullying he suffered in the days prior to being stabbed.
A police officer unconnected with the case told me: “It is routine procedure that all potential leads, evidence, suspects and motives should be investigated thoroughly. This may not have happened in the Damilola Taylor case. Officers appear to have discounted homophobic suspects and motives without a full investigation.”
Was Damilola gay? Probably not. He was aged just ten and it is unlikely he was sexual at all. Was he perceived to be gay? Apparently. He was bookish and non-macho, and he had a pretty face. For local yobs, this was evidence he was queer.
A 1996 survey of lesbians and gays under 18 by the gay lobbying group Stonewall found that 48 per cent had experienced violence, 61 per cent harassment and 90 per cent had been called abusive names because of their sexuality. Nearly half the violent attacks took place at school and were perpetrated by other pupils.
Although the government has since promoted new anti-bullying policies in schools, implementation is patchy. Much homophobic bullying still passes unchallenged. Kids who are either gay, or perceived to be gay, rarely get adequate support and protection from teachers. The alleged inaction of staff at Damilola’s school is not unusual.
This de facto toleration of anti-gay bullying illustrates the very different official responses to racism and homophobia. Imagine the outcry if Damilola had been bullied because of his race. Racism would have become a major focus in the police investigation, as it was in the Stephen Lawrence case. The Home Secretary would have faced demands for action against institutional racism.
There was, however, no such outcry following Damilola’s death, perhaps because the police and government view gay-bashing as less serious than black-bashing. Proof of this is the Crime and Disorder Act 1998. It stipulates tougher sentences for racist hate crimes, but not for equivalent homophobic attacks. As I revealed in my contribution to The Hate Debate (Profile Books, 2002), attempts to remedy this injustice were vetoed by the government on the grounds that it would “dilute” the fight against racism. New Labour espouses equality for all, but in practice some people are more equal than others.
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