Cardinal defends comparing gay marriage to slavery

Keith O'Brien says it's "a perfectly good example of what could happen".

Judging by his rhetoric, Cardinal Keith O'Brien, the leader of the Catholic Church in Scotland, is not a man seeking converts.

Challenged on the Today programme this morning over his comparison of gay marriage with slavery in a column for the Sunday Telegraph, O'Brien insisted that it was "a perfectly good example of what could happen in our own country".

He wrote in the paper:

Imagine for a moment that the Government had decided to legalise slavery but assured us that "no one will be forced to keep a slave".

Would such worthless assurances calm our fury? Would they justify dismantling a fundamental human right? Or would they simply amount to weasel words masking a great wrong?

Here's the full, shocking exchange with John Humphrys.

John Humphrys: The idea of introducing the notion of something as grotesque as slavery, and I use the word there advisedly, the ultimate denial of a person's human rights, in this context will itself prompt many people to think that this is grotesque, that your notion of it is grotesque.

Keith O'Brien: I'm not saying that it's grotesque, perhaps to some people it might appear grotesque.

Humphrys: But you're a Cardinal! Should you be using that kind of language? Equating, even as remotely as this, the notion of gay relationships with slavery?

O'Brien: I think it's a very, very good example as to what might happen in our own country at this present time and I feel I've duty, a responsibility to preach and to teach and this is one of the ways in which I do it.

Humphrys: Sorry, you lost me a little here, what might happen? Legalising slavery and the equivalent of homosexual marriage?

O'Brien: It is a perfectly good example as to what could happen in our own country if we go this way. I'm simply handing on the teaching of the Christian Church down through the years.

George Eaton is political editor of the New Statesman.

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Will the Brexit Cabinet talks end in a “three baskets” approach?

The joy of the three baskets idea is that everyone gets to tell themselves that it will be their basket that ends up the fullest. 

It's decision day in the Brexit talks. Again.

The Brexit inner Cabinet will meet to hammer out not its final position, but the shape of its negotiating position. The expected result: an agreement on an end state in which the United Kingdom agrees it will follow EU regulations as it were still a member, for example on aviation; will agree to follow EU objectives but go about them in its own way, for example on recycling, where the British government wants to do more on plastic and less on glass; and finally, in some areas, it will go its way completely, for instance on financial services. Or as it has come to be known in Whitehall, the "three baskets" approach.

For all the lengthy run-up, this bit isn't expected to be difficult: the joy of the three baskets idea is that everyone gets to tell themselves that it will be their basket that ends up the fullest. There are two difficulties: the first is that the EU27 won't play ball, and the second is that MPs will kick off when it emerges that their preferred basket is essentially empty.

The objections of the EU27 are perhaps somewhat overwritten. The demands of keeping the Irish border open, maintaining Europol and EU-wide defence operations means that in a large number of areas, a very close regulatory and political relationship is in everyone's interests. But everyone knows that in order for the Conservative government to actually sign the thing, there is going to have to be some divergence somewhere.

The bigger problem is what happens here at home when it turns out that the third basket - that is to say, full regulatory autonomy - is confined to fishing and the "industries of the future". The European Research Group may have a few more letters left to send yet.

Stephen Bush is special correspondent at the New Statesman and the PSA's Journalist of the Year. His daily briefing, Morning Call, provides a quick and essential guide to domestic and global politics.