Who's giving the most to Syria?

The most hawkish countries are the least generous donors

To highlight the $2.726bn shortfall in humanitarian aid to Syria, Oxfam has analysed how generous donors are compared to their GDP to identify which countries are pulling their weight, and who is giving too little.

Kuwait comes out as the most generous of the 28 countries analysed, having given over four times its fair share, followed by Denmark and Luxembourg, who have given over twice their fair share, and then Saudi. The UK hasn’t performed too badly, having given 154% of its fair share, but the US has only given 63% of what it should, given its GDP.

At the very bottom of the list are New Zealand, which has only contributed 1% of its fair share, followed by North Korea (2%) and – and this is where it gets interesting – Qatar and Russia who both only gave 3%.

Qatar’s low level of humanitarian support for Syria stands in stark contrast to its military support for rebel fighters, with the FT estimating in May that it has spent as much as $3bn to support rebel fighters. Qatar has also spent billions supporting Islamist parties in the aftermath of the Arab Spring, giving $8bn to Egypt alone. Its commitment to humanitarian relief is clearly not as strong as its commitment to influencing regional foreign policy in its favour.

Of course it’s not the only one to have adopted this position. France, by far the most hawkish European country when it comes to Syria has only given 47% of its fair share. The US's position also makes Obama's appeals to the public to intervene in Syria on humanitarian grounds sound a little hollow. The $819m shortfall in humanitarian funding is considerably less costly than military intervention, and would be a good first step while the US and Russia fight over the finer details of the latest plan.

And while I'm on the subject of Russia, according to Reuters, 50% of the Syrian government’s arms come from Russia, with Assad known to be currently settling bills for over $1.5bn worth of arms deals. Russia's $17.8m aid bill is nothing compared to the income its receiving from weapon sales.

 

Qatar's financial district. The oil rich state is only giving 3% of its fair share of humanitarian aid to Syria. Photo:Getty

Sophie McBain is a freelance writer based in Cairo. She was previously an assistant editor at the New Statesman.

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After Article 50 is triggered, what happens next?

Theresa May says Article 50 will be triggered on 29 March. The UK must prepare for years, if not decades, of negotiating. 

Back in June, when Europe woke to the news of Brexit, the response was muted. “When I first emerged from my haze to go to the European Parliament there was a big sign saying ‘We will miss you’, which was sweet,” Labour MEP Seb Dance remembered at a European Parliament event in London. “The German car industry said we don’t want any disruption of trade.”

But according to Dance – best known for holding up a “He’s Lying” sign behind Nigel Farage’s head – the mood has hardened with the passing months.

The UK is seen as demanding. The Prime Minister’s repeated refusal to guarantee EU citizens’ rights is viewed as toxic. The German car manufacturers now say the EU is more important than British trade. “I am afraid that bonhomie has evaporated,” Dance said. 

On Wednesday 29 March the UK will trigger Article 50. Doing so will end our period of national soul-searching and begin the formal process of divorce. So what next?

The European Parliament will have its say

In the EU, just as in the UK, the European Parliament will not be the lead negotiator. But it is nevertheless very powerful, because MEPs can vote on the final Brexit deal, and wield, in effect, a veto.

The Parliament’s chief negotiator is Guy Verhofstadt, a committed European who has previously given Remoaners hope with a plan to offer them EU passports. Expect them to tune in en masse to watch when this idea is revived in April (it’s unlikely to succeed, but MEPs want to discuss the principle). 

After Article 50 is triggered, Dance expects MEPs to draw up a resolution setting out its red lines in the Brexit negotiations, and present this to the European Commission.

The European Commission will spearhead negotiations

Although the Parliament may provide the most drama, it is the European Commission, which manages the day-to-day business of the EU, which will lead negotiations. The EU’s chief negotiator is Michel Barnier. 

Barnier is a member of the pan-EU European People’s Party, like Jean-Claude Juncker and German Chancellor Angela Merkel. He has said of the negotiations: “We are ready. Keep calm and negotiate.”

This will be a “deal” of two halves

The Brexit divorce is expected to take 16 to 18 months from March (although this is simply guesswork), which could mean Britain officially Brexits at the start of 2019.

But here’s the thing. The divorce is likely to focus on settling up bills and – hopefully – agreeing a transitional arrangement. This is because the real deal that will shape Britain’s future outside the EU is the trade deal. And there’s no deadline on that. 

As Dance put it: “The duration of that trade agreement will exceed the life of the current Parliament, and might exceed the life of the next as well.”

The trade agreement may look a bit like Ceta

The European Parliament has just approved the Comprehensive Economic and Trade Agreement (Ceta) with Canada, a mammoth trade deal which has taken eight years to negotiate. 

One of the main stumbling points in trade deals is agreeing on similar regulatory standards. The UK currently shares regulations with the rest of the UK, so this should speed up the process.

But another obstacle is that national or regional parliaments can vote against a trade deal. In October, the rebellious Belgian region of Wallonia nearly destroyed Ceta. An EU-UK deal would be far more politically sensitive. 

The only way is forward

Lawyers working for the campaign group The People’s Challenge have argued that it will legally be possible for the UK Parliament to revoke Article 50 if the choice is between a terrible deal and no deal at all. 

But other constitutional experts think this is highly unlikely to work – unless a penitent Britain can persuade the rest of the EU to agree to turn back the clock. 

Davor Jancic, who lectures on EU law at Queen Mary University of London, believes Article 50 is irrevocable. 

Jeff King, a professor of law at University College London, is also doubtful, but has this kernel of hope for all the Remainers out there:

“No EU law scholar has suggested that with the agreement of the other 27 member states you cannot allow a member state to withdraw its notice.”

Good luck chanting that at a march. 

Julia Rampen is the editor of The Staggers, The New Statesman's online rolling politics blog. She was previously deputy editor at Mirror Money Online and has worked as a financial journalist for several trade magazines.