Criminalising extreme porn

Feminists are split over government plans to ban so-called extreme porn with some groups arguing cen

A bid to prevent people viewing images of rape and sexual violence has split opinion among feminists with strong opposition being voiced within some sections of the women's movement.

Justice Secretary Jack Straw wants to make owning, downloading or viewing bestiality, necrophilia or severe sexual violence illegal as of next January via an amendment to the Criminal Justice and Immigration Act.

The move has won the support of many women who believe it will help reduce gender violence. Dr Sasha Rakoff, director of lobby group Object, said: “We are not talking about fluffy Ann Summer's handcuffs here, we are talking about the depiction of rape, mutilation and abuse so graphic that it is impossible to tell whether or not it is real or simulated.

“The case against banning the possession of such material is deeply flawed and misleading.”

Many have argued against the proposals though; on 22 October a handful of protesters demonstrated outside parliament calling for the government to “ban crime, not sex”.

This opposition is deeply disturbing, Rakoff argues, in a society where one in three women experience male violence, and where sexual violence has become increasingly main streamed in the porn industry and wider society.

That abuse of women is unacceptable is not up for debate.

As Rakoff said: “The feminist point of view is a human rights point of view.” How best to tackle it involves on-going argument, however.

Laura Schwarz of Feminist Fightback said: "To focus on porn as the primary cause of violence against women is not only reductive and simplistic but politically dangerous. It prevents a more in depth analysis of the causes of sexual violence and ignores other forms of violence - police violence, state violence or the violence of the capitalist system."

Avedon Carol, of Feminists Against Censorship (FAC) goes further: “This legislation only has value in a police state because it does not do anything to prevent violence against women. It suppresses sexuality, which can only create more problems later."

The planned law changes have come about following the murder of Jane Longhurst in 2003 by Graham Coutts - a man who was addicted to violent porn sites.

Longhurst's mother, Liz, has argued easy access to extreme online images had tipped her daughter's killer over the edge.

However, there is little evidence to show there has been an increase in violence against women with the increase in availability of images depicting it, on the internet and elsewhere. This argument is repeated by those who feel the amendments are a token effort that avoid the root problem of violence against women.

Female porn director, Yoshki Greenberg, is a rarity. She is one of a small handful of women who stand behind the camera on the film set, rather than lie in front of it. Perhaps more surprisingly she makes (consensual) 'niche narrative' films, some of which may be affected by the new legislation that will ban pictures of slavery or captivity.

Despite the violent nature of some of her films she was vehemently against abuse of women, although she shared Object's opinion that 'porn as punishment' films are increasingly popular with the mainstream.

She said increased censorship won't help: “I obviously have no issue with the quest to reduce violence, I just don't think this will achieve it. To ban extreme porn is to ignore the issues of why people want to watch it in the first place- what it is that triggers violent behaviour in people”

Erotic photographer and ex-escort Karen, who won Sex Worker of the Year in 2004 for setting up an ethical escort agency, believes the move will have absolutely no effect on increasing women's safety, in the sex industry of otherwise, but is rather about increasing government control over our lives.

Straw rejects this. He has said the government's intention is to combat the circulation of extreme pornographic images, not to limit private sexual activity. Ministers point to the consultation paper which indicated men who were predisposed to aggression or sexual violence were more susceptible to the influence of extreme porn.

But FAC's Avedon Carol claimed: “It happens every time there is a real concern about violence against women, the government think they can soothe it by eliminating pictures of violence against women. It's not tackling the real issue.”

Of course the vast majority of women who experience violence and sexual abuse do so from someone they know.

Perhaps prioritising Rape Crisis centres, tackling domestic violence and ensuring effective prosecution would help far more than criminalising the small minority who enjoy extreme porn.

But then it would also cost a lot more money.

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The New Times: Brexit, globalisation, the crisis in Labour and the future of the left

With essays by David Miliband, Paul Mason, John Harris, Lisa Nandy, Vince Cable and more.

Once again the “new times” are associated with the ascendancy of the right. The financial crash of 2007-2008 – and the Great Recession and sovereign debt crises that were a consequence of it – were meant to have marked the end of an era of runaway “turbocapitalism”. It never came close to happening. The crash was a crisis of capitalism but not the crisis of capitalism. As Lenin observed, there is “no such thing as an absolutely hopeless situation” for capitalism, and so we discovered again. Instead, the greatest burden of the period of fiscal retrenchment that followed the crash was carried by the poorest in society, those most directly affected by austerity, and this in turn has contributed to a deepening distrust of elites and a wider crisis of governance.

Where are we now and in which direction are we heading?

Some of the contributors to this special issue believe that we have reached the end of the “neoliberal” era. I am more sceptical. In any event, the end of neoliberalism, however you define it, will not lead to a social-democratic revival: it looks as if, in many Western countries, we are entering an age in which centre-left parties cannot form ruling majorities, having leaked support to nationalists, populists and more radical alternatives.

Certainly the British Labour Party, riven by a war between its parliamentary representatives and much of its membership, is in a critical condition. At the same time, Jeremy Corbyn’s leadership has inspired a remarkable re-engagement with left-wing politics, even as his party slumps in the polls. His own views may seem frozen in time, but hundreds of thousands of people, many of them young graduates, have responded to his anti-austerity rhetoric, his candour and his shambolic, unspun style.

The EU referendum, in which as much as one-third of Labour supporters voted for Brexit, exposed another chasm in Labour – this time between educated metropolitan liberals and the more socially conservative white working class on whose loyalty the party has long depended. This no longer looks like a viable election-winning coalition, especially after the collapse of Labour in Scotland and the concomitant rise of nationalism in England.

In Marxism Today’s “New Times” issue of October 1988, Stuart Hall wrote: “The left seems not just displaced by Thatcherism, but disabled, flattened, becalmed by the very prospect of change; afraid of rooting itself in ‘the new’ and unable to make the leap of imagination required to engage the future.” Something similar could be said of the left today as it confronts Brexit, the disunities within the United Kingdom, and, in Theresa May, a prime minister who has indicated that she might be prepared to break with the orthodoxies of the past three decades.

The Labour leadership contest between Corbyn and Owen Smith was largely an exercise in nostalgia, both candidates seeking to revive policies that defined an era of mass production and working-class solidarity when Labour was strong. On matters such as immigration, digital disruption, the new gig economy or the power of networks, they had little to say. They proposed a politics of opposition – against austerity, against grammar schools. But what were they for? Neither man seemed capable of embracing the “leading edge of change” or of making the imaginative leap necessary to engage the future.

So is there a politics of the left that will allow us to ride with the currents of these turbulent “new times” and thus shape rather than be flattened by them? Over the next 34 pages 18 writers, offering many perspectives, attempt to answer this and related questions as they analyse the forces shaping a world in which power is shifting to the East, wars rage unchecked in the Middle East, refugees drown en masse in the Mediterranean, technology is outstripping our capacity to understand it, and globalisation begins to fragment.

— Jason Cowley, Editor 

Tom Kibasi on what the left fails to see

Philip Collins on why it's time for Labour to end its crisis

John Harris on why Labour is losing its heartland

Lisa Nandy on how Labour has been halted and hollowed out

David Runciman on networks and the digital revolution

John Gray on why the right, not the left, has grasped the new times

Mariana Mazzucato on why it's time for progressives to rethink capitalism

Robert Ford on why the left must reckon with the anger of those left behind

Ros Wynne-Jones on the people who need a Labour government most

Gary Gerstle on Corbyn, Sanders and the populist surge

Nick Pearce on why the left is haunted by the ghosts of the 1930s

Paul Mason on why the left must be ready to cause a commotion

Neal Lawson on what the new, 21st-century left needs now

Charles Leadbeater explains why we are all existentialists now

John Bew mourns the lost left

Marc Stears on why democracy is a long, hard, slow business

Vince Cable on how a financial crisis empowered the right

David Miliband on why the left needs to move forward, not back

This article first appeared in the 22 September 2016 issue of the New Statesman, The New Times