Morning Call: pick of the papers

The ten must-read comment pieces from this morning's papers.

1. Anyone who believes in Britain's membership of the EU should stand up and be heard (Independent)

As ever with Europe, there is an appearance of flux while so much essentially remains the same, writes Steve Richards. When will pro-Europeans start to make their case?

2. Cameron strolls towards the EU exit, leaving us none the wiser (Daily Telegraph)

The PM’s failure to explain what he wants for Britain allows others to drive the debate, says Benedict Brogan.

3. If children lose contact with nature they won't fight for it (Guardian)

With half of their time spent at screens, the next generation will be poorly equipped to defend the natural world from harm, says George Monbiot.

4. Europe would lose if Britain left the union (Financial Times)

Brussels would not have to give much ground to keep the UK in the club, writes Gideon Rachman.

5. After Rowan, the Church is taken seriously (Times) (£)

For all his struggles, the Archbishop’s tenure may mark a turning point for Christianity, writes Richard Harries.

6. Another tricky balance for Mr Clegg to strike (Independent)

The Lib Dem leader is right to accept a temporary freeze on benefits, provided he can secure a meaningful wealth tax in return, says an Independent leaer.

7. No amount of moralising will alleviate the hardship caused by Tory austerity (Guardian)

For Iain Duncan Smith, poverty is caused by failure and dysfunction, writes Polly Toynbee. The reality is different, and Labour must say so.

8. The Lords must halt this draconian plan (Daily Mail)

Security considerations can be no justification for the draconian clampdown on open court hearings proposed, says a Daily Mail editorial.

9. Cameron is right to turn to the fixer (Financial Times)

Lynton Crosby might help the Tories fix their weakness without losing their strength, says Janan Ganesh.

10. Is the PM really at war, or simply deluded? (Daily Telegraph)

It was easy to agree with what David Cameron said yesterday, writes Philip Johnston. But harder to believe he’ll deliver.

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Why Theresa May can't end speculation of an early general election

Both Conservative and Labour MPs regard a contest next year as the solution to their problems. 

One of Theresa May’s first acts as a Conservative leadership candidate was to rule out an early general election. After a tumultuous 2015 contest and the EU referendum, her view was that the country required a period of stability (a view shared by voters). Many newly-elected Tory MPs, fearful of a Brexit-inspired Ukip or Liberal Democrat surge, supported her on this condition.

After entering Downing Street, May reaffirmed her stance. “The Prime Minister could not have been clearer,” a senior source told me. “There won’t be an early election.” Maintaining this pledge is an important part of May’s straight-talking image.

But though No.10 has wisely avoided publicly contemplating an election (unlike Gordon Brown), the question refuses to die. The Conservatives have a majority of just 12 - the smallest of any single-party government since 1974 - and, as David Cameron found, legislative defeats almost inevitably follow. May’s vow to lift the ban on new grammar schools looks to many like an unachievable task. Former education secretary Nicky Morgan and former business minister Anna Soubry are among the Tories leading the charge against the measure (which did not feature in the 2015 Conservative manifesto).  

To this problem, an early election appears to be the solution. The Tories retain a substantial opinion poll lead over Labour, the most divided opposition in recent history. An election victory would give May the mandate for new policies that she presently lacks.

“I don’t believe Theresa May wishes to hold an early election which there is evidence that the country doesn’t want and which, given the current state of the Labour Party, might be seen as opportunistic,” Nigel Lawson told today’s Times“If, however, the government were to find that it couldn’t get its legislation through the House of Commons, then a wholly new situation would arise.”

It is not only Conservatives who are keeping the possibility of an early election alive. Many Labour MPs are pleading for one in the belief that it would end Jeremy Corbyn’s leadership. An early contest would also pre-empt the boundary changes planned in 2018, which are forecast to cost the party 23 seats.

For Corbyn, the possibility of an election is a vital means of disciplining MPs. Allies also hope that the failed revolt against his leadership, which Labour members blame for the party’s unpopularity, would allow him to remain leader even if defeated.

Unlike her predecessors, May faces the obstacle of the Fixed-Term Parliaments Act (under which the next election will be on 7 May 2020). Yet it is not an insurmountable one. The legislation can be suspended with the backing of two-thirds of MPs, or through a vote of no confidence in the government. Alternatively, the act could simply be repealed or amended. Labour and the Liberal Democrats, who have demanded an early election, would struggle to resist May if she called their bluff.

To many, it simply looks like an offer too good to refuse. Which is why, however hard May swats this fly, it will keep coming back. 

George Eaton is political editor of the New Statesman.