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Who's up for a job in Jeremy Corbyn's new shadow cabinet?

Yvette Cooper has been widely tipped for a role.

Labour’s forward advance means that for the first time in Jeremy Corbyn's leadership, the parliamentary Labour party is almost wholly united behind him.

That means that the Labour leader will have a far larger swathe of MPs to pick from when he reshuffles the shadow cabinet. (Due tomorrow, so as not to crowd out the morale-boosting photographs of Corbyn with the bumper crop of 49 new Labour MPs.)

Who will be in? Although there is a great deal of excitement in the press about a possible return to the shadow Home Office brief for Yvette Cooper, I’m told that is “not on the cards”.

“Jeremy has an immense sense of loyalty,” one well-placed source tells me, “he’s not going to remove people who have stuck by him, including those with very different politics, to accommodate others who have come to the party late.”

Another person close to the leader’s office observed that it would be “a slap in the face” to the likes of Barry Gardiner, Jonny Reynolds and Jon Ashworth, who have stayed in the shadow cabinet and put their shoulders to the wheel despite being from the centre-left, not the left, if they were moved to make way for the likes of Cooper.

The Labour leader is not minded to create vacancies by sacking those who have put their shoulders to the wheel, although a few older hands who served out of obligation, such as Teresa Pearce, the shadow communities secretary, have asked to return to the backbenches. Grahame Morris, too, is unwell and will be recused from duty.  

As well as the central trio of Emily Thornberry, John McDonnell and Diane Abbott, Angela Rayner is immovable at shadow education and Jon Ashworth a near-certainty to remain at shadow health. Former Corbynsceptics will be welcomed in, but to junior posts and to fill existing vacancies.Abbott, who despite having her campaign marred by several high-profile gaffes in interviews and being recused from the Shadow Cabineet due to illness, remains Corbyn's closest and longest-standing ally, and will continue to play a major role. 

There will also be a determined effort to move on a generation. Centre-left MPs will be drawn from the Ashworth generation of 30 and 40-somethings, rather than appointing old warriors. There is a strong appetite in the leader’s office to find a post for Ed Miliband, but the difficulty is finding one that “gets the most out of him”. Business, Energy and Industrial Strategy is being shadowed by Rebecca Long-Bailey, a favoured long-term candidate for the succession. McDonnell is of course an essential at shadow Treasury.

There are two posts that are likely to see the return of veterans. The role of shadow Northern Ireland is, due to the stalled executive and the active role of the DUP in sustaining the Conservative government, likely to go to an experienced operator. Vernon Coaker, who held the post under Ed Miliband and Corbyn, and who is regarded by the leader's office as a straight operator, could make a comeback there.

The other prize job for an old hand is the post of shadow leader of the House, currently held by Valerie Vaz. With the Conservative minority, the post is vital. The leader’s office were surprised to see Andrea Leadsom, who is not regarded to have been a success as environment secretary, moved to the post. There are a number of big beasts who could symbolically show that the party has united behind Corbyn by serving there with experience of the role – Harriet Harman chief among them. But I’m told that the favourite at present is Chris Bryant, who knows the ways of the House better than almost anyone, though Andrew Gwynne, who impressed the leader's office on the campaign trail, is also favoured. 

But for the most part, continuity, rather than change, will be Corbyn’s watchword when he reshuffles his frontbench tomorrow.

Stephen Bush is special correspondent at the New Statesman. His daily briefing, Morning Call, provides a quick and essential guide to domestic and global politics.

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Brexit could destroy our NHS – and it would be the government's own fault

Without EU citizens, the health service will be short of 20,000 nurses in a decade.

Aneurin Bevan once said: "Illness is neither an indulgence for which people have to pay, nor an offence for which they should be penalised, but a misfortune, the cost of which should be shared by the community."

And so, in 1948, the National Health Service was established. But today, the service itself seems to be on life support and stumbling towards a final and fatal collapse.

It is no secret that for years the NHS has been neglected and underfunded by the government. But Brexit is doing the NHS no favours either.

In addition to the promise of £350m to our NHS every week, Brexit campaigners shamefully portrayed immigrants, in many ways, as as a burden. This is quite simply not the case, as statistics have shown how Britain has benefited quite significantly from mass EU migration. The NHS, again, profited from large swathes of European recruitment.

We are already suffering an overwhelming downturn in staffing applications from EU/EAA countries due to the uncertainty that Brexit is already causing. If the migration of nurses from EEA countries stopped completely, the Department of Health predicts the UK would have a shortage of 20,000 nurses by 2025/26. Some hospitals have significantly larger numbers of EU workers than others, such as Royal Brompton in London, where one in five workers is from the EU/EAA. How will this be accounted for? 

Britain’s solid pharmaceutical industry – which plays an integral part in the NHS and our everyday lives – is also at risk from Brexit.

London is the current home of the highly prized EU regulatory body, the European Medicine Agency, which was won by John Major in 1994 after the ratification of the Maastricht Treaty.

The EMA is tasked with ensuring that all medicines available on the EU market are safe, effective and of high quality. The UK’s relationship with the EMA is unquestionably vital to the functioning of the NHS.

As well as delivering 900 highly skilled jobs of its own, the EMA is associated with 1,299 QPPV’s (qualified person for pharmacovigilance). Various subcontractors, research organisations and drug companies have settled in London to be close to the regulatory process.

The government may not be able to prevent the removal of the EMA, but it is entirely in its power to retain EU medical staff. 

Yet Theresa May has failed to reassure EU citizens, with her offer to them falling short of continuation of rights. Is it any wonder that 47 per cent of highly skilled workers from the EU are considering leaving the UK in the next five years?

During the election, May failed to declare how she plans to increase the number of future homegrown nurses or how she will protect our current brilliant crop of European nurses – amounting to around 30,000 roles.

A compromise in the form of an EFTA arrangement would lessen the damage Brexit is going to cause to every single facet of our NHS. Yet the government's rhetoric going into the election was "no deal is better than a bad deal". 

Whatever is negotiated with the EU over the coming years, the NHS faces an uncertain and perilous future. The government needs to act now, before the larger inevitable disruptions of Brexit kick in, if it is to restore stability and efficiency to the health service.

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