Labour can win either from the dark side...or the light. Photo: Getty Images
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There are two ways out of the wilderness for Labour: Jeremy Corbyn or Liz Kendall

There are two paths to a Labour victory in 2020, argues Michael Chessum: either Labour reject the principles of neoliberalism with Corbyn, or embrace them with Liz Kendall.

Deep within us all, there is a Labour centrist – a person who wants desperately to paper over all cracks and unite the party – and, by now, they long for death. Even the leadership candidates who preach unity and triangulation, Yvette Cooper and Andy Burnham, barely seem to believe what they are saying, and the desperate noises of party the grandees who have intervened to urge Labour members to support them have either backfired or fallen on deaf ears. The more that the mainstream commentariat attempts to diagnose what is happening, the more it compounds the problem, with Jonathan Freedland adeptly adding the label of “narcissist” to sit alongside “moron” as a description for Jeremy Corbyn’s burgeoning young support base.

The reason why so much of the party apparatus and its periphery in the press claim to be so concerned about any great shift in Labour is because it is using an old and rather lazy rule of thumb: move too far to the left and you become unelectable; move too far to the right and you may become more palatable to middle England, but you lose your base and threaten party unity. The unelectability of the left has always been based on a dubious conventional wisdom about the 1980s – when the SDP, which was riding high in the polls prior to the Falklands War, split the Labour vote – but it is now utterly useless as a means of understanding how the electorate votes.

Labour lost the 2015 general election because it accepted every premise that the Conservatives and mainstream press laid down, and tried, somehow, to reach a different conclusion. Ed Balls and Ed Miliband went out of their way to accept the need for austerity, cuts and a public sector pay freeze – while at the same time claiming to offer a lukewarm alternative to them. HQ produced mugs that celebrated a ‘tough’ stance on immigration, while Labour’s door-knocking army tried to persuade everyone that Labour was the alternative to racists in Ukip and the Tory Party. The public were, understandably, unconvinced: why vote for a lukewarm version of conventional wisdom when you have the real thing?

The outgoing party leadership is still pursuing a strategy of clumsy contortionism. Harriet Harman’s last substantial parliamentary decision as Acting Leader – to abstain on the Welfare Bill – was an organised act of political dishonesty designed, basically, to deceive the supposedly universally Thatcherite population of middle England into thinking that most Labour MPs agreed with some of the Tories’ approach to welfare, which they don’t. But in order for the manoeuvre to be successful, the press needed report it as a manoeuvre – so by definition everyone, including the very people who were supposed to be deceived by it, had to know that the move was dishonest. Cooper and Burnham responded by simultaneously endorsing the abstention and denouncing it, with Burnham even putting out a self-righteous Facebook post claiming in a roundabout way to have voted against the Bill, which he obviously didn’t.

There is no way to triangulate out of the electoral impasse that faces Labour: in order to build a convincing narrative, either it must reject the (broadly speaking neo-liberal) premises that have constituted the political consensus since the 1990s, or it must embrace them and follow them to their logical right-of-centre conclusions in an attempt to outperform the Conservatives on their own terrain. At present, there are only two candidates offering to do these things – Jeremy Corbyn and Liz Kendall – and, if electability was all one cared about, there is ample reason to believe that only Corbyn and Kendall could win for Labour in 2020.

Corbyn’s rejection of the mainstream political consensus – on work as the real driver of wealth creation, on reversing privatisation of public services, on redistribution, on opposing Britain’s involvement in foreign wars – is incredibly popular, and not just among the party faithful. Most of these policies carry majority support among the wider public, and, just as importantly, they are decisively different from anything currently on offer – a break with what feels like a stagnant political scene. Even in (rare) neutral reporting on Corbyn’s campaign, it is often described in terms of “taking Labour back” to the years of Bennite radicalism. But Corbyn is actually a lot more radical than that: he talks about technology and radical democratic reform, and, with his young support base, he looks an awful lot like the future, not the past.

When I started getting involved in the National Union of Students about five years ago, one of the most revealing conversations I had was with a union officer close to Labour Students – a group which has been dominated by Blairites since the mid-1990s, and until recently served as the union’s leadership. Why, I asked over a pint at a training residential, did they oppose the abolition of tuition fees? My colleague responded that to be honest, he wasn’t really sure – “it used to be because we wanted to be at the centre of higher education funding debate, but now I think we have a principled objection to it”.  Last week, Tony Blair publicly acknowledged the reality of the electability rhetoric that has dominated internal party debates since the 1980s: even if it was the path to victory, he said, he wouldn’t want to win on “a traditional leftist platform”. In other words, concerns about ‘electability’ are really a proxy for a fundamental set of political differences that separate Blair’s heirs from the rest of the party, and especially its left wing.

As centrist social democratic parties all over Europe splinter and re-form, many in the Labour Party establishment are hoping that with enough triangulation and think-tank briefings, Labour can be different. But far bigger and more powerful forces are at work, and the political trajectory that Blair plotted in the 1990s could only ever go so far inside a social democratic party. Either a Kendall or a Corbyn victory could lead to a significant split, but at least the new leadership would be able to develop a coherent political narrative, anchored either in the left or in the centre-right. In defiance of all conventional wisdom and tactical expectations, it is Labour’s left wing that might now lead it out of the wilderness. Perhaps, after decades of watching transparent “positioning” by successive Labour leaders, what the public really wants is an electoral alternative that is based on having ideas and fighting for them. 

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In focusing on the famous few, we risk doing a disservice to all victims of child sexual abuse

There is a danger that we make it harder, not easier, for victims to come forward in future. 

Back in the 1970s when relations between journalists and police were somewhat different to today a simple ritual would be carried out around the country at various times throughout the week.

Reporters, eager for information for their regional newspaper, would take a trip to the local station and there would be met by a desk sergeant who would helpfully skim through details in the crime Incident Book.

Among the entries about petty thefts, burglaries and road accidents there would occasionally be a reference to an allegation of incest. And at this point the sergeant and journalist might well screw-up their faces, shake their heads and swiftly move on to the next log. The subject was basically taboo, seen as something ‘a bit mucky,’ not what was wanted in a family newspaper.

And that’s really the way things stayed until 1986 when ChildLine was set up by Dame Esther Rantzen in the wake of a BBC programme about child abuse. For the first time children felt able to speak out about being sexually assaulted by the very adults whose role in life was to protect them.

And for the first time the picture became clear about what incest really meant in many cases. It wasn’t simply a low level crime to be swept under the carpet in case it scratched people’s sensitivities. It frequently involved children being abused by members of their close family, repeatedly, over many years.

Slowly but surely as the years rolled on the NSPCC continued to press the message about the prevalence of child sexual abuse, while encouraging victims to come forward. During this time the corrosive effects of this most insidious crime have been painfully detailed by many of those whose lives have been derailed by it. And of course the details of the hundreds of opportunistic sexual assaults committed by Jimmy Savile have been indelibly branded onto the nation’s consciousness.

It’s been a long road - particularly for those who were raped or otherwise abused as children and are now well into their later years - to bring society around to accepting that this is not to be treated as a dark secret that we really don’t want to expose to daylight. Many of those who called our helpline during the early days of the Savile investigation had never told anyone about the traumatic events of their childhoods despite the fact they had reached retirement age.

So, having buried the taboo, we seem to be in danger of giving it the kiss of life with the way some cases of alleged abuse are now being perceived.

It’s quite right that all claims of sexual assault should be investigated, tested and, where there is a case, pursued through the judicial system. No one is above the law, whether a ‘celebrity’ or a lord.

But we seem to have lost a sense of perspective when it comes to these crimes with vast resources being allocated to a handful of cases while many thousands of reported incidents are virtually on hold.

The police should never have to apologise for investigating crimes and following leads. However, if allegations are false or cannot be substantiated they should say so. This would be a strength not a weakness.

It is, of course, difficult that in many of the high-profile cases of recent times the identities of those under investigation have not been officially released by the police but have come to light through other means. Yet we have to deal with the world as it is not as we wish it would be and once names are common knowledge the results of the investigations centring on them should be made public.

When it emerges that someone in the public eye is being investigated for historical child abuse it obviously stirs the interest of the media whose appetite can be insatiable. This puts pressure on the police who don’t want to repeat the mistakes of the past by allowing offenders to slip through their hands.  And so there is a danger, as has been seen in recent cases, that officers lack confidence in declaring there is a lack of evidence or the allegations are not true. 

The disproportionate weight of media attention given to say, Sir Edward Heath, as opposed to the Bradford grooming gang sentenced this week, shows there is a danger the pendulum is swinging too far the other way. This threatens the painstaking work invested in ensuring the public and our institutions recognise child abuse as a very real danger. 

Whilst high profile cases have helped the cause there is now a real risk that the all-encompassing focus on them does both victims of abuse and those advocating on their behalf a fundamental disservice.

As the public watches high -profile cases collapsing amidst a media fanfare genuine convictions made across the country week in week out go virtually unannounced. If this trend continues they may start to believe that child sexual abuse isn’t the prolific problem we know it to be.

So, while detectives peer into the mists of time, searching for long lost clues, we have to face the unpalatable possibility that offences being committed today will in turn become historical investigations because there is not the manpower to deal with them right now.

Operation Midland, which was set-up to check claims that boys were abused in the 1970s and 80s by a high-level group of paedophiles including politicians, military figures and members of law enforcement agencies, has had up to 40 detectives assigned to it and a similar investigation. Admittedly some of these were murder and major crimes officers but that’s still a large contingent.

In fact if such squads were formed for every historical case the Metropolitan Police would be overwhelmed as last year alone it received reports from nearly 1100 adults – many of them well past retirement age –that they were sexually assaulted when children.

So, now the Goddard Inquiry is in full swing, taking evidence about allegations of child sex crimes involving ‘well known people’ as well as institutional abuse, how do we ensure we don’t fail today’s victims?

If they start to think their stories are going to be diminished by the continuing furore over how some senior public figures have been treated by the police they will stay silent. Therefore we have to continue to encourage them to come forward, to give them the confidence of knowing they will be listened to.

If we don’t we will find ourselves back in those incestuous days where people conspired to say and do nothing to prevent child abuse.

Peter Wanless is Chief Executive of the NSPCC.