Yo Soy Nisman: protesters in Buenos Aires. Photo: ALEJANDRO PAGNI/AFP/Getty Images
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Bullets, pastries and the rise of the right: Mauricio Macri struggles to recover from a mysterious death

The death of federal prosecutor Alberto Nisman provides an opportunity for the right.

By late afternoon on 18 February, the storm clouds were gathering and the drizzle had turned into a downpour. As rain battered the streets of Buenos Aires, a 400,000-strong crowd of protesters initiated a furious call-and-response demanding justice for the deceased federal prosecutor Alberto Nisman.

On 19 January, Nisman was found dead in his Buenos Aires apartment, killed by a single bullet to the temple. His death was assumed to have been self-inflicted. Nisman had been due next day to begin presenting a case that would implicate the president of Argentina, Cristina Fernández de Kirchner, in obscuring the role played by Iran – an important trading partner – in the most deadly terrorist attack to take place on Argentinian soil: the 1994 bombing of the Argentinian Israelite Mutual Association, which killed 85 people.

A number of unusual events took place over the days that followed. Damián Pachter, the journalist who broke the story of Nisman’s death on Twitter, fled the country, saying he was being stalked by the national intelligence services. In mid-February a witness to the case went public with allegations of “irregularities”, including the mishandling of evidence and the dirtying of the crime scene. Investigators had used Nisman’s coffee-maker and eaten medialunas, Argentinian croissants, on the job.

And yet the most serious accusation came on 5 March when Nisman’s ex-wife, Sandra Arroyo Salgado, a federal judge, presented the results of an independent investigation she had conducted with four forensic experts. Her investigation showed an earlier death time and an irregular bullet angle, that there was no gunpowder on Nisman’s hand, and that his body had been moved. “Nisman’s death wasn’t an accident, and it wasn’t a suicide,” she told the press. “He was murdered.”

This in turn angered Viviana Fein, the federal prosecutor assigned to the Nisman case. Fein maintained the official position, which would not rule out suicide, and fired back: “If they’re trying to pressure me, it won’t work.”

Meanwhile, the case Nisman had been preparing came to a halt after being handed to another prosecutor, Gerardo Pollicita. The case against Kirchner was thrown out of court by a judge on 26 February, a decision Pollicita is appealing. Some blame the failure on Nisman’s death. A column in Argentina’s most widely read newspaper, Clarín, speculates that Nisman may have known about additional evidence.

The truth about Nisman’s death may remain obscure but the political implications for President Kirchner are clear. The handling of the investigation makes her government look, at best, incompetent. Her own erratic explanations for Nisman’s death, wavering between suicide and the involvement of renegade spies, have only made things worse. Doubts about Kirchner’s reaction have brought her entire leftist-populist agenda into focus, provoking a wholesale shift to the right. This is good news for her chief opponent, the mayor of Buenos Aires, Mauricio Macri. There are notable parallels between Macri and the Mayor of London, Boris Johnson: a powerful figure who has helped transport improve but has been unable – or unwilling – to keep the rise of housing prices in check. Macri is a staunch neoconservative: he cites Ayn Rand as one of his main influences and often lashes out at Argentina’s immigrant communities.

A poll conducted on 4 March showed Macri leading among presidential hopefuls in the lead-up to elections, due to take place in November this year. “This is directly connected to the Nisman case,” says Raúl Aragón, the political consultant who carried out the study. “After Nisman’s death, Kirchner’s popularity dropped sharply, along with the popularity of her closest ally in the race, Daniel Scioli.”

Yet Kirchner still maintains a strong support base. Thousands gathered to hear her three-hour “legacy” speech at the opening of congress on 1 March (her last, as term limits prevent her from running again). She touted her accomplishments, announced a plan to nationalise the country’s rail network and spoke of her regret over Nisman’s death.

In addition, her foothold in the interior may throw the advantage to her allies. “Macri’s support is strong in Buenos Aires and other large cities, but he will have trouble making headway elsewhere in the country,” says Eduardo Blanco, co-editor of a book on the Kirchner government.

Nevertheless the Nisman case continues to be toxic for Kirchner and her allies. “If stories casting doubt on the handling of the Nisman case stay in the news, Macri will most likely continue to lead,” Aragón says. 

This article first appeared in the 13 March 2015 issue of the New Statesman, Israel's Next War

Photo: Getty
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Jeremy Corbyn urged to intervene in Momentum's feud

Pressure is growing on the Labour leader to attend to the troubled organisation's splits. 

Jeremy Corbyn is being urged to intervene to help settle the breach in Momentum, as the troubled organisation’s internal divisions again spilt into the open after a fractious meeting of the organisation’s national committee left Jon Lansman, the organisation’s founder, contemplating exercising his “nuclear option” and shutting down the group completely.

Proposals to give decision-making power to the whole of Momentum’s membership were narrowly defeated, with the organisation resting on a delegate system. The public argument advanced by Lansman’s allies, who backed the one member, one vote system, was that the e-ballot would give greater control to members as opposed to bogging the organisation down in hidebound procedures.

But privately, insiders admitted the plan was a gambit to see off Lansman’s internal critics, including the Alliance of Workers’ Liberty, a Troskyite grouping, who are small but well-organised, giving them an advantage over the rest of the membership.

In a blog, Laura Murray, the newly-elected women’s representative, said publicly what allies of Lansman have been saying privately for some time: that the plan of the AWL and its allies is to take over Momentum with a view to setting it up as a rival party to Labour.

Lansman’s critics, however, say that he is treating Momentum as his personal fiefdom and is stifling the internal democracy of Momentum. The division, which first flared into life following the row over Jackie Walker’s remarks at Labour party conference, has taken on an additional dimension due to the growing frustration of some at what they see as the leadership’s right turn on immigration, free movement and taxation. Clive Lewis’ remark that free movement “has not worked” and John McDonnell’s support for the 40p rate cut are particular causes for alarm.

However, Jeremy Corbyn’s popularity remains largely undimmed, and the Labour leader is coming under pressure to intervene in the row. Lansman has also met with Andrew Murray, who as well as being the father of Laura Murray is Unite general secretary’s Len McCluskey’s chief of staff and a key link into the Labour leader and McCluskey himself.   One trade union official said “I think it’s time for Jeremy and John to intervene to straighten out the situation, so we can get on with the job of holding the government to account”.

Should Corbyn refrain from wading in, Lansman still retains the ability to shut down Momentum, taking its valuable maillist with him, and starting again from scratch. However, the so-called “nuclear option” would mean crippling the left in its internal battles with the Corbynsceptics ahead of crucial clashes about conference delegates and parliamentary selections. 

Stephen Bush is special correspondent at the New Statesman. His daily briefing, Morning Call, provides a quick and essential guide to British politics.