Veterans make the journey to Normandy to Commemorate the 70th Anniversary Of D-Day. Photograph: Getty Images.
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Remembering our D-Day heroes

This anniversary marks one of the last chances we will have to thank them for their selflessness, courage, determination and sacrifice.

Like many British families, my own has its special memories of a loved one who died fighting for our country in the Armed Forces. And this week’s commemorations on the 70th anniversary of D-Day is particularly poignant for us. 

My uncle, Sergeant Vernon Coaker was killed in action on 6 June, 1944. He was a member of 3 Commando from the Devonshire Regiment that took part in an assault on the town of Le Plein. The records from the War Office show that Vernon and his comrades struggled ashore with bicycles – the chosen mode of attack – and their heavy kit, and made their way slowly through swampy ground before mounting the attack.

As they began the operation to take the town, they found out that the mortars they had been equipped with were of no use because the charges had been removed. But my uncle Vernon and his comrades were ordered to carry on with the attack anyway, with very limited weaponry and little hope of survival.  They came under fire from German soldiers hidden in outlying buildings on the road into Le Plein, and they were forced to fall back. After an officer was badly wounded and a soldier killed, they still fought on, taking control of some of the buildings in the town. But as evening fell, my uncle was killed when an enemy bomb directly hit the building he was sheltering in.

We as a family are very proud of him. He was my father’s older brother and when I was born a few years after Vernon died, my dad named me after the brother he had looked up to so much.

It’s for that reason and in that spirit that today I’m in Portsmouth with many others, taking part in commemorations to mark this hugely significant and symbolic anniversary. Alongside the ceremonies taking place in France, it’s important that people here in Britain – men and women of all ages and from all backgrounds – get the chance to show their gratitude and appreciation to those who fought for our freedom and their future.

That’s why I called for a national commemoration to be held, not least to allow veterans unable to travel to France to take part in events nearer home. But also to ensure that those veterans can receive recognition here in the United Kingdom, in the country they fought for. I’m glad that’s happening. Because as the years pass, the numbers of surviving D-Day veterans grow smaller, and after these commemorations the Normandy Veterans Association will disband. So this anniversary marks one of the last chances we will have to thank them for their selflessness, courage, determination and sacrifice.

In Portsmouth today, I am reminded again of how much we are indebted to them, those who came before and after them, and indeed all those who continue to serve our country today.

Vernon Coaker is shadow defence secretary

Vernon Coaker is the Labour MP for Gedlin and the former shadow defence secretary.

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Is defeat in Stoke the beginning of the end for Paul Nuttall?

The Ukip leader was his party's unity candidate. But after his defeat in Stoke, the old divisions are beginning to show again

In a speech to Ukip’s spring conference in Bolton on February 17, the party’s once and probably future leader Nigel Farage laid down the gauntlet for his successor, Paul Nuttall. Stoke’s by-election was “fundamental” to the future of the party – and Nuttall had to win.
 
One week on, Nuttall has failed that test miserably and thrown the fundamental questions hanging over Ukip’s future into harsh relief. 

For all his bullish talk of supplanting Labour in its industrial heartlands, the Ukip leader only managed to increase the party’s vote share by 2.2 percentage points on 2015. This paltry increase came despite Stoke’s 70 per cent Brexit majority, and a media narrative that was, until the revelations around Nuttall and Hillsborough, talking the party’s chances up.
 
So what now for Nuttall? There is, for the time being, little chance of him resigning – and, in truth, few inside Ukip expected him to win. Nuttall was relying on two well-rehearsed lines as get-out-of-jail free cards very early on in the campaign. 

The first was that the seat was a lowly 72 on Ukip’s target list. The second was that he had been leader of party whose image had been tarnished by infighting both figurative and literal for all of 12 weeks – the real work of his project had yet to begin. 

The chances of that project ever succeeding were modest at the very best. After yesterday’s defeat, it looks even more unlikely. Nuttall had originally stated his intention to run in the likely by-election in Leigh, Greater Manchester, when Andy Burnham wins the Greater Manchester metro mayoralty as is expected in May (Wigan, the borough of which Leigh is part, voted 64 per cent for Brexit).

If he goes ahead and stands – which he may well do – he will have to overturn a Labour majority of over 14,000. That, even before the unedifying row over the veracity of his Hillsborough recollections, was always going to be a big challenge. If he goes for it and loses, his leadership – predicated as it is on his supposed ability to win votes in the north - will be dead in the water. 

Nuttall is not entirely to blame, but he is a big part of Ukip’s problem. I visited Stoke the day before The Guardian published its initial report on Nuttall’s Hillsborough claims, and even then Nuttall’s campaign manager admitted that he was unlikely to convince the “hard core” of Conservative voters to back him. 

There are manifold reasons for this, but chief among them is that Nuttall, despite his newfound love of tweed, is no Nigel Farage. Not only does he lack his name recognition and box office appeal, but the sad truth is that the Tory voters Ukip need to attract are much less likely to vote for a party led by a Scouser whose platform consists of reassuring working-class voters their NHS and benefits are safe.
 
It is Farage and his allies – most notably the party’s main donor Arron Banks – who hold the most power over Nuttall’s future. Banks, who Nuttall publicly disowned as a non-member after he said he was “sick to death” of people “milking” the Hillsborough disaster, said on the eve of the Stoke poll that Ukip had to “remain radical” if it wanted to keep receiving his money. Farage himself has said the party’s campaign ought to have been “clearer” on immigration. 

Senior party figures are already briefing against Nuttall and his team in the Telegraph, whose proprietors are chummy with the beer-swilling Farage-Banks axis. They deride him for his efforts to turn Ukip into “NiceKip” or “Nukip” in order to appeal to more women voters, and for the heavy-handedness of his pitch to Labour voters (“There were times when I wondered whether I’ve got a purple rosette or a red one on”, one told the paper). 

It is Nuttall’s policy advisers - the anti-Farage awkward squad of Suzanne Evans, MEP Patrick O’Flynn (who famously branded Farage "snarling, thin-skinned and aggressive") and former leadership candidate Lisa Duffy – come in for the harshest criticism. Herein lies the leader's almost impossible task. Despite having pitched to members as a unity candidate, the two sides’ visions for Ukip are irreconcilable – one urges him to emulate Trump (who Nuttall says he would not have voted for), and the other urges a more moderate tack. 

Endorsing his leader on Question Time last night, Ukip’s sole MP Douglas Carswell blamed the legacy of the party’s Tea Party-inspired 2015 general election campaign, which saw Farage complain about foreigners with HIV using the NHS in ITV’s leaders debate, for the party’s poor performance in Stoke. Others, such as MEP Bill Etheridge, say precisely the opposite – that Nuttall must be more like Farage. 

Neither side has yet called for Nuttall’s head. He insists he is “not going anywhere”. With his febrile party no stranger to abortive coup and counter-coup, he is unlikely to be the one who has the final say.