George Osborne holds freshly minted coins during a visit to the Royal Mint in Llantrisant, Wales on March 25, 2014. Photograph: Getty Images.
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The public want a more progressive tax system - and they're right

Ninety six per cent of people support a fairer system, with the richest paying more than double the poorest.

Tax is a regular area of public and political debate in the UK. Who pays what, who avoids tax, and whether tax is "fair" are questions that are regularly tackled in our press and in Parliament. But much of this debate is shrouded in misinformation, half-truths and downright lies. When people make bold commitments to lift the "low-paid out of tax" for example, or "ensure those on the national minimum wage pay no tax" they rarely mean it. What they actually mean, more often than not, is to lift people out of paying income tax. This may sound like semantics, but there is a rather important difference.

Alongside commitments to lift the poor out of paying tax, we also occasionally hear wild claims made about how "the richest 1 per cent pay 30 per cent of all taxes". A good headline no doubt, but unfortunately, complete nonsense. Again, the richest 1 per cent pays about 30 per cent of all income tax. That is, they pay 30 per cent of a tax that accounts for only 27 per cent of all taxes. The problem with such comments isn't just that they are plainly wrong, it is that they distort the debate and skew public perceptions of our tax system towards sympathy for a supposedly overburdened, hard-working "elite", punished for their success by high taxes. At the other end, we're led to believe that the poorest pay little enough tax so that it is a simple move to lift them out of tax altogether. 

New research from the Equality Trust shows just how misleading these sorts of statements are, and just how far they take us from the truth of what the richest and poorest are taxed. Analysis of ONS data shows that  when all taxes are taken into account, the poorest 10 per cent of households actually pay 23 per cent more of their income in taxes than the richest 10 per cent of households. In fact, they pay a huge 43 per cent, whereas the richest pay just 35 per cent:  the same as the average household. 

But public understanding of how much others in society are taxed is now wafer thin. Polling conducted by Ipsos MORI in partnership with the Equality Trust found that nearly seven in ten (68 per cent) people actually believe the richest 10 per cent of households pay more of their income in tax than the poorest 10 per cent. Particularly shocking is the fact that on average the public under-estimates what the poorest 10 per cent pay in tax by 19 percentage points, believing they pay just 24 per cent of their income in taxes.

This lack of understanding is more shocking when we see just how little support there is for our regressive tax system. Further polling found that 96 per cent of people believe that the tax system should be more progressive than is currently the case. On average, people believe the poorest 10 per cent of households should be taxed just 15 per cent of their income, 28 percentage points less than they currently are. They believe the richest 10 per cent should be taxed 39 per cent, or 4 percentage points more that they are. On average they believe the richest should be pay more more than double the total tax rate of the poorest.

Even more interesting is the fact that although there are some small fluctuations, there is majority support for a more progressive tax system across political party lines, gender, age and even income groups. 

It is true that the poorest 10 per cent of households contains those that are unemployed, as well as students and other people who receive various welfare payments. But while we often hear about how much the "lazy" and "indolent" undeserving poor receive in government payments, we rarely hear about how much of that money is then clawed back. 

Our report "Unfair and Unclear" shows just how far our current tax system is from the public's preferences on how much people should be taxed. Moreover, when looking at the richest and poorest 10 per cent of households, the system is in fact hopelessly regressive. So what can we do about it? There are number of sensible approaches that have so far been resisted by most policy makers and politicians. The first it to tackle our absurdly regressive council tax by transforming it into a progressive property tax, by re-evaluating properties and creating new bands with higher rates for higher value properties. The second is to raise the upper limit of National Insurance Contributions to ensure that the tax is progressive across all deciles. We would also expect to see Government aim to reduce VAT when it has a budget surplus, at the very least. More importantly, we are calling on all parties seeking to form the government from 2015 to commit to the principle that any changes in tax policy are progressive.

Tax plays a hugely important role in people’s lives. It can determine the affordability of basic necessities like food and household bills, but it can also determine the quality of local services, healthcare and education. It is important that people are aware of who pays tax and how much, but equally we must build a tax system that better acknowledges the values of the vast majority of the electorate.  The gap between public perceptions, preferences and reality when it comes to our tax system should be of deep concern to politicians of all hues. Building a system that is fit for a fair society must now be a priority.

Duncan Exley is the director of the Equality Trust

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Chuka Umunna calls for "solidarity" among Labour MPs, whoever is voted leader

The full text of shadow business secretary Chuka Umunna's speech to Policy Network on election-winning ideas for Labour's future, and the weaknesses of the New Labour project.

There has never been an easy time to be a social democrat (or “democratic socialist” as we sometimes call ourselves in Britain). Whereas the right can demonise the poor and extol the virtues of the market, and the hard left can demonise the market and extol the role of the state, our position of constraining the domination of markets and reforming the state is, by definition, more complex.

It is nonetheless the case that social democracy has a historic responsibility, in every generation, to renew democracy and preserve a civic culture. This is achieved not through soundbites and slogans, but through the hard-headed development of a progressive politics that reconciles liberty and democracy, new comers and locals to our communities, business and workers, in a common life that preserves security, prosperity and peace.  This historic mission is all the more urgent now and my determination that we succeed has grown not weakened since our election defeat last May.

But, in order to be heard, it is necessary to make balanced and reasonable argument that both animates and inspires our movement, and which is popular and plausible with the people.  The first is pre-requisite to the second; and there is no choice to be made between your party’s fundamental principles and electability. They are mutually dependent - you cannot do one without the other.

We are in the midst of choosing a new leader and it is clear to anyone who has watched the UK Labour Party leadership election this summer that amongst a significant number there is a profound rage against Third Way politics – as pursued by the likes of Bill Clinton, Tony Blair, Gerhard Schröder and others - as a rejection of our fundamental values.

In the UK there is a view that New Labour accepted an uncritical accommodation with global capital that widened inequality, weakened organised labour and we were too close to the US Republicans and too far from the European left.

I do not believe this is fair, not least because we rescued many of our public services from the scrap heap when we came to office in 1997 and there were very significant achievements  we should celebrate.  New Labour renewed our National Health Service in a fundamental way; we built new schools and improved existing ones; we set up new children’s centres all over the country; we brought in a National Minimum Wage; we worked with others to bring peace to Northern Ireland; we introduced civil partnerships.  Just some of our achievements.

However, though we may take issue with the critique, I do not think we can simply dismiss out of hand those who hold critical views of New Labour. Like any government, the New Labour administration made mistakes - it could and should have achieved more, and done more to challenge the Right’s assumptions about the world. In the end, it is not unreasonable to be ambitious for what your party in government can achieve in building greater equality, liberty, democracy and sustainability. It is far better we acknowledge, not reject, this ambition for a better world, as we seek to forge a new politics of the common good fit for the future.

Realising our values in office has been disrupted by globalisation and the surge of technological forces that are displacing and reshaping industry after industry.

Some argue that globalisation as an ideological construct of the right. But we must recognise that we live in an increasingly integrated world in which markets have led to an unprecedented participation of excluded people in prosperity, a rise in living standards for hundreds of millions  of people and a literacy unprecedented in human history – this is particularly so in emerging economies like my father’s native Nigeria. And the internet has led to a level of accountability that has disturbed elites.

Yet, this has been combined with a concentration of ownership that needs to be challenged, of a subordination of politics that requires creative rather than reactive thinking, and these global forces have exacerbated inequalities as well as helped reduce poverty.

So it is important that we understand the sheer scale and impact of new technologies. At the moment we are engaged in a debate about Uber and its threat to one of the last vestiges of vocational labour markets left in London, those of the black taxi cabs and their attainment of 'The Knowledge'. But the reality is that within the next decade there will be the emergence of driverless cars so we have to intensify our exploration of how to support people in a knowledge economy and the realities of lifelong learning, as well as lifelong teaching. As people live longer we will have to think about how to engage them constructively in work and teaching in new ways.

Once again, I'm addressing all of this, Social Democracy requires a balanced view that domesticates the destructive energy of capital while recognising its creative energy, that recognises the need for new skills rather than simply the protection of old ones. A Social Democracy that recognises that internationalism requires co-operation between states and not a zero sum game that protectionism would encourage.

Above all, Social Democratic politics must recognise the importance of place, of the resources to be found in the local through which the pressures of globalisation can be mediated and shaped. Our job is to shape the future and neither to accept it as a passive fate nor to indulge the fantasy that we can dominate it but to work with the grain of change in order to renew our tradition, recognising the creativity of the workforce, the benefits of democracy and the importance of building a common life.  Sources of value are to be found in local traditions and institutions.

This also requires a recognition that though demonstration and protest are important,; but relationships and conversations are a far more effective way of building a movement for political change.

One of the huge weaknesses of New Labour was in its reliance on mobilisation from the centre rather than organising. It therefore allowed itself to be characterised as an elite project with wide popular support but it did not build a base for its support within the party across the country, and it did not develop leaders from the communities it represented. It was strong on policy but weak on strengthening democratic politics, particularly Labour politics.

Over half a million people are now members, supporters or affiliated supporters of our party, with hundreds of thousands joining in the last few weeks. Some have joined in order to thwart the pursuit of Labour values but many more have joined to further the pursuit of those values, including lots of young people. At a time when so many are walking away from centre left parties across the Western world and many young people do not vote let alone join a party, this is surely something to celebrate.

So it is vital that we now embrace our new joiners and harness the energy they can bring to renewing Labour’s connection with the people. First, we must help as many them as possible to become doorstep activists for our politics. Second, I have long argued UK Labour should campaign and organise not only to win elections but to affect tangible change through local community campaigns. We brought Arnie Graf, the Chicago community organiser who mentored President Obama in his early years, over from the U.S. to help teach us how to community organise more effectively. We should bring Arnie back over to finish the job and help empower our new joiners to be the change they want to see in every community – we need to build on the links they have with local groups and organisations.

I mentioned at the beginning that in every generation Social Democracy is besieged from left and right but the achievements of each generation are defined by the strength of a complex political tradition that strengthens solidarity through protecting democracy and liberty, a role for the state and the market and seeks to shape the future through an inclusive politics. Solidarity is key which is why we must accept the result of our contest when it comes and support our new leader in developing an agenda that can return Labour to office.

Yes, these are troubled times for social democrats. All over Europe there is a sense among our traditional voters that we are remote and do not share their concerns or represent their interests or values.  There is surge of support for populist right wing parties from Denmark to France, of more left wing parties in Greece and Spain and in Britain too. There is renewal of imperial politics in Russia, the murderous and abhorrent regime of ISIL in the Middle East, volatility in the Chinese economy and in Europe a flow of immigration that causes fear and anxiety.

But, the task of Social Democracy in our time is to fashion a politics of hope that can bring together divided populations around justice, peace and prosperity so that we can govern ourselves democratically. We have seen worse than this and weathered the storm. I am looking forward, with great optimism to be being part of a generation that renews our relevance and popularity in the years to come.

Chuka Umunna is the shadow business secretary and the Labour MP for Streatham.