The helium-filled Airlander aircraft in a giant airship shed on February 28, 2014 in Cardington. Photograph: Getty Images.
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How to build an innovation economy

Backing tech, thinking global and reducing the tax burden for entrepreneurs will make Britain an economic world-beater once more.

The UK finds itself at a crossroads. With the economy now recovering strongly – as seen with buoyant GDP figures for Q1 on Tuesday – the dark days of the crisis might seem to be behind us. But as the Chancellor said in the Budget, we must face brute economic facts.

Though the view from the boardroom window on the top floor of UK plc may be sunnier, the continuing scale of the structural deficit effectively means there’s a fire in the basement. Despite very tough efficiency savings and cuts to rein in public spending, we are still running a serious deficit and accumulating debt. The rescue job is not yet complete.

Following the crisis, the key question of our time is how the UK can become the crucible of innovative approaches to public and private sector efficiency? I believe the only way we are going to get UK plc afloat again is through the power of innovation in both our public and private sectors to drive a new age of productivity and competitiveness.

First, we must continue to embrace the technological revolution to shake up existing markets. In tech, that means unleashing the power of the revolutions in IT and telecoms, digital media, genetics, data analytics and clean-tech solutions in energy, finding the twenty-first century’s equivalent of electricity or the invention of the internet, a new space race for the defining technologies of our age. As the Chancellor said in a landmark speech in Cambridge last week, it is about becoming the "best place to innovate".

We then need to think about how we innovate in terms of selling our products and services. Fundamentally, we need to turn our focus from the sclerotic eurozone to emerging markets. The western European nations are all grappling with the same structural weaknesses – and a currency and banking system weighed down in bad debts. We cannot afford to sit and wait for the eurozone alone to drive growth. We have to go and trade with the faster emerging markets, the BRICs and N11.

In my field of Life Sciences, for example, the emerging economies are driving vast new markets in food, medicine and energy. In food, we will have to double global food production with much less land, water and energy. In 30 years the exploding populations of these nations – who today need the basics of public health, nutrition and energy – will demand the modern biomedicines, Western foodstuffs and clean-tech that only their elites enjoy today. Far from giving up on emerging markets, such needs show why our exports are more sought after than ever.

To do that we need to make the UK the best place in the world to come and start a new business. That’s why for the last three years I've been advocating a "New Deal for New Business": if you’re starting or growing a small business, employing people and generating sales turnover, government should get off your back. No employers' National Insurance – a jobs tax. No VAT – a value tax. No regulations designed for big companies.

During the 15 years I worked in start-up venture capital, I was always struck by how many first-time entrepreneurs underestimated their turnover, and spent vast amounts of time and stress and accountants fees worrying about complying with government bureaucracy. Get off their backs and let them grow and we’ll find that they hit the threshold for tax that much quicker. Such a policy would be simple, clear and potentially revolutionary in its effect.

This Parliament has been about saving the UK from becoming another Greece. The next Parliament will be about making Britain an economic world-beater once more – investing, exporting and manufacturing more. Backing tech, thinking global and continuing reducing the tax burden for entrepreneurs are just three ways in which that can become a reality.

George Freeman is Chair of the 2020 Conservative Innovation Economy Commission, and a UK trade Envoy. This is an edited extract from 'The Modernisers' Manifesto’, published by Bright Blue

George Freeman is the MP for Mid-Norfolk and Minister for Life Sciences.

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France’s burkini ban could not come at a worse time

Yet more legislation against veiled women can only further divide an already divided nation.

Since mayor of Cannes David Lisnard banned the full-body burkini from his town’s beaches, as many as 15 French resorts have followed suit. Arguments defending the bans fall into three main categories. First, it is about defending the French state’s secularism (laïcité). Second, that the costume represents a misogynistic doctrine that sees female bodies as shameful. And finally, that the burkini is cited as a threat to public order.

None of these arguments satisfactorily refute the claims of civil rights activists that the bans are fundamentally Islamophobic.

The niceties of laïcité

The Cannes decree explicitly invokes secular values. It prohibits anyone “not dressed in a fashion respectful of laïcité” from accessing public beaches. However, the French state has only banned “ostentatious” religious symbols in schools and for government employees as part of laïcité (the strict separation between the state and religious society). And in public spaces, laïcité claims to respect religious plurality. Indeed, the Laïcité Commission has tweeted that the ban, therefore, “cannot be based upon the principle of laïcité”.

While veils covering the entire face such as the burqa or niqab are illegal, this is not to protect laïcité; it is a security matter. The legal justification is that these clothes make it impossible to identify the person underneath – which is not the case for the burkini.

 

By falling back on laïcité to police Muslim women in this way, the Cannes authorities are fuelling the argument that “fundamentalist secularism” has become a means of excluding Muslims from French society.

Colonial attitudes

Others, such as Laurence Rossignol, the minister for women’s rights, hold that the burkini represents a “profoundly archaic view of a woman’s place in society”, disregarding Muslim women who claim to wear their burkini voluntarily.

This typifies an enduring colonial attitude among many non-Muslim French politicians, who feel entitled to dictate to Muslim women what is in their best interests. Rossignol has in the past compared women who wear headscarves through choice to American “negroes” who supported slavery.

Far from supporting women’s rights, banning the burkini will only leave the women who wear it feeling persecuted. Even those with no choice in the matter are not helped by the ban. This legal measure does nothing to challenge patriarchal authority over female bodies in the home. Instead, it further restricts the lives of veiled women by replacing it with state authority in public.

Open Islamophobia

Supporters of the ban have also claimed that, with racial tensions high after recent terrorist attacks, it is provocative to wear this form of Muslim clothing. Such an argument was made by Pierre-Ange Vivoni, mayor of Sisco in Corsica, when he banned the burkini in his commune. Early reports suggested a violent clash between local residents and non-locals of Moroccan origin was triggered when strangers photographed a burkini-wearing woman in the latter group, which angered her male companions. Vivoni claimed that banning the costume protected the security of local people, including those of North African descent.

Those reports have transpired to be false: none of the women in question were even wearing a burkini at the time of the incident. Nonetheless, the ban has stood in Sisco and elsewhere.

To be “provoked” by the burkini is to be provoked by the visibility of Muslims. Banning it on this basis punishes Muslim women for other people’s prejudice. It also disregards the burkini’s potential to promote social cohesion by giving veiled women access to the same spaces as their non-Muslim compatriots.

Appeals to public order have, occasionally, been openly Islamophobic. Thierry Migoule, head of municipal services in Cannes, claimed that the burkini “refers to an allegiance to terrorist movements”, conveniently ignoring the Muslim victims of recent attacks. Barely a month after Muslims paying their respects to friends and family killed in Nice were racially abused, such comments are both distasteful and irresponsible.

Increased divisions

Feiza Ben Mohammed, spokesperson for the Federation of Southern Muslims, fears that stigmatising Muslims in this way will play into the hands of IS recruiters. That fear seems well-founded: researchers cite a sense of exclusion as a factor behind the radicalisation of a minority of French Muslims. Measures like this can only exacerbate that problem. Indeed, provoking repressive measures against European Muslims to cultivate such a sentiment is part of the IS strategy.

Meanwhile, the day after the incident in Sisco, riot police were needed in nearby Bastia to prevent a 200-strong crowd chanting “this is our home” from entering a neighbourhood with many residents of North African descent. Given the recent warning from France’s head of internal security of the risk of a confrontation between “the extreme right and the Muslim world”, such scenes are equally concerning.

Now more than ever, France needs unity. Yet more legislation against veiled women can only further divide an already divided nation.

The Conversation

Fraser McQueen, PhD Candidate, University of Stirling

This article was originally published on The Conversation. Read the original article.