The coalition and the floods: from "money is no object" to "no blank cheque"

After Cameron's declaration that "money is no object in this relief effort", Transport Secretary Patrick McLoughlin insists "I don’t think it’s a blank cheque".

As I noted earlier this morning, David Cameron's declaration that "money is no object in this [flood] relief effort" rather undermines his government's previous insistence that the UK is "nearly bankrupt" (hence the need for all those cuts). He said yesterday: "Money is no object in this relief effort. Whatever money is needed, we will spend it" and later added: "We are a wealthy country, we have a growing economy. If money is needed for clean-up, money will be made available." 

By contrast, in a speech on the economy last year, he remarked: "There are some people who think we don’t have to take all these tough decisions to deal with our debts. They say that our focus on deficit reduction is damaging growth. And what we need to do is to spend more and borrow more. It’s as if they think there’s some magic money tree. Well let me tell you a plain truth: there isn’t." Yet a "magic money tree" was exactly what Cameron gave the impression of having discovered yesterday. 

Perhaps unsurprisingly, then, ministers are already desperately trying to row back from the PM's loose rhetoric. In interviews this morning, Transport Secretary Patrick McLoughlin has insisted that there is no "blank cheque" from the government for flood relief. He said

I don’t think it’s a blank cheque. I think what the Prime Minister was making very clear is that we’re going to use every resource of the government and that actually money is not the issue at the moment.

Confused? It looks like the the Treasury austerians have chopped down Mr Cameron's magic money tree. 

Transport Secretary Patrick McLoughlin speaks at the Conservative conference in Manchester last year. Photograph: Getty Images.

George Eaton is political editor of the New Statesman.

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PMQs review: Theresa May shows again that Brexit means hard Brexit

The Prime Minister's promise of "an end to free movement" is incompatible with single market membership. 

Theresa May, it is commonly said, has told us nothing about Brexit. At today's PMQs, Jeremy Corbyn ran with this line, demanding that May offer "some clarity". In response, as she has before, May stated what has become her defining aim: "an end to free movement". This vow makes a "hard Brexit" (or "chaotic Brexit" as Corbyn called it) all but inevitable. The EU regards the "four freedoms" (goods, capital, services and people) as indivisible and will not grant the UK an exemption. The risk of empowering eurosceptics elsewhere is too great. Only at the cost of leaving the single market will the UK regain control of immigration.

May sought to open up a dividing line by declaring that "the Labour Party wants to continue with free movement" (it has refused to rule out its continuation). "I want to deliver on the will of the British people, he is trying to frustrate the British people," she said. The problem is determining what the people's will is. Though polls show voters want control of free movement, they also show they want to maintain single market membership. It is not only Boris Johnson who is pro-having cake and pro-eating it. 

Corbyn later revealed that he had been "consulting the great philosophers" as to the meaning of Brexit (a possible explanation for the non-mention of Heathrow, Zac Goldsmith's resignation and May's Goldman Sachs speech). "All I can come up with is Baldrick, who says our cunning plan is to have no plan," he quipped. Without missing a beat, May replied: "I'm interested that [he] chose Baldrick, of course the actor playing Baldrick was a member of the Labour Party, as I recall." (Tony Robinson, a Corbyn critic ("crap leader"), later tweeted that he still is one). "We're going to deliver the best possible deal in goods and services and we're going to deliver an end to free movement," May continued. The problem for her is that the latter aim means that the "best possible deal" may be a long way from the best. 

George Eaton is political editor of the New Statesman.