Labour's new frontbench team: the full list

Who's who in Miliband's new shadow ministerial line-up.

Ed Miliband has now completed Labour's shadow ministerial reshuffle, below is the new frontbench in full.

Among the notable appointments are Luciana Berger, who replaces Diane Abbott as shadow public health minister, Rushanara Ali, who joins the shadow education team from international development, Chris Bryant, who leaves his post as shadow immigration minister and joins the DWP team, Lucy Powell (Miliband's former deputy chief of staff), who becomes shadow childcare and early years minister, Stella Creasy, who joins the BIS team having previously served as shadow minister for crime prevention and Gareth Thomas, who replaces Emma Reynolds (Labour's new shadow housing minister) as shadow Europe minister.

Leader of the Opposition
Ed Miliband MP
Karen Buck MP (PPS)
Wayne David MP (PPS)

Deputy Leader and Culture, Media & Sport
Harriet Harman MP (Shadow Deputy Prime Minister, Party Chair and Shadow Secretary of State for Culture, Media and Sport)
Helen Goodman MP
Clive Efford MP
Baroness (Maggie) Jones
Lord (Wilf) Stevenson

Treasury
Ed Balls MP
Chris Leslie MP
Cathy Jamieson MP
Catherine McKinnell MP
Shabana Mahmood MP
Lord (John) Eatwell
Lord (Bryan) Davies
Lord (Neil) Davidson
Lord (Andrew) Adonis

FCO
Douglas Alexander MP (and Chair of General Election Strategy)
John Spellar MP
Gareth Thomas MP
Ian Lucas MP
Kerry McCarthy MP
Lord (David) Triesman
Lord (Willy) Bach
Lord (Roger) Liddle

Home Office
Yvette Cooper MP
Jack Dromey MP
David Hanson MP
Diana Johnson MP
Helen Jones MP
Steve Reed MP
Baroness (Angela) Smith
Lord (Richard) Rosser

Justice
Sadiq Khan MP (also Shadow Minister for London)
Stephen Twigg MP
Andy Slaughter MP
Jenny Chapman MP
Dan Jarvis MP
Lord (Jeremy) Beecham
Lord (Charlie) Falconer QC (Constitutional Issues & providing advice on Planning and Transition into Government)

Health
Andy Burnham MP
Liz Kendall MP
Luciana Berger MP
Andrew Gwynne MP
Jamie Reed MP
Lord (Philip) Hunt
Lord (Keith) Bradley (from Nov)

Business, Innovation & Skills
Chuka Umunna MP
Liam Byrne MP
Iain Wright MP
Toby Perkins MP
Stella Creasy MP
Ian Murray MP
Lord (Wilf) Stevenson
Lord (Tony) Young
Baroness (Dianne) Hayter
Lord (Roger) Liddle

Work & Pensions
Rachel Reeves MP
Stephen Timms MP
Chris Bryant MP
Gregg McClymont MP
Kate Green MP
Baroness (Maeve) Sherlock
Lord (Keith) Bradley (from Nov)

Education
Tristram Hunt MP
Kevin Brennan MP
Steve McCabe MP
Rushanara Ali MP
Lucy Powell MP
Baroness (Beverley) Hughes
Baroness (Maggie) Jones

Defence
Vernon Coaker MP
Kevan Jones MP
Alison Seabeck MP
Yvonne Fovargue MP
Gemma Doyle MP
Lord (Richard) Rosser

Communities and Local Government
Hilary Benn MP
Emma Reynolds MP
Roberta Blackman-Woods MP
Lyn Brown MP
Andy Sawford MP
Lord (Bill) McKenzie
Lord (Jeremy) Beecham

Energy and Climate Change
Caroline Flint MP
Tom Greatrex MP
Jonathan Reynolds MP
Julie Elliott MP
Baroness (Bryony) Worthington

Leader of the House of Commons
Angela Eagle MP
(also Chair of the National Policy Forum)
Angela C Smith MP

Transport
Mary Creagh MP
Lilian Greenwood MP
Gordon Marsden MP
Richard Burden MP
Lord (Bryan) Davies
Lord (Richard) Rosser

Northern Ireland
Ivan Lewis MP
Stephen Pound MP
Lord (Tommy) McAvoy

International Development
Jim Murphy MP
Alison McGovern MP
Gavin Shuker MP
Lord (Ray) Collins

Scotland
Margaret Curran MP
Russell Brown MP
Gordon Banks MP
Lord (Tommy) McAvoy

Wales
Owen Smith MP
Nia Griffith MP
Baroness (Eluned) Morgan

Environment, Food and Rural Affairs
Maria Eagle MP
Huw Irranca-Davies MP
Barry Gardiner MP
Thomas Docherty MP
Lord (Jim) Knight

Cabinet Office
Michael Dugher MP
Lord (Stewart) Wood
Jon Ashworth MP
Chi Onwurah MP
Lisa Nandy MP
Baroness (Dianne) Hayter

Minister without Portfolio and Deputy Party Chair
Jon Trickett MP

Women & Equalities Office
Gloria De Piero MP
Sharon Hodgson MP
Baroness (Glenys) Thornton

Law Officers
Emily Thornberry MP
Lord (Neil) Davidson QC (Adv. Gen. Scotland)

Coordinator of the Labour Party Policy Review
Jon Cruddas MP

Leader of the House of Lords
Baroness (Jan) Royall
Lord (Philip) Hunt (Deputy Leader)

Whips Office

House of Commons

Chief Whip, Shadow Parliamentary Secretary to the Treasury
Rosie Winterton MP

Whips
Alan Campbell MP
Mark Tami MP (Pairing Whip)
Heidi Alexander MP
David Hamilton MP
Graham Jones MP
Tom Blenkinsop MP
Susan Elan-Jones MP
Phil Wilson MP
Julie Hilling MP
Karl Turner MP
Nic Dakin MP
Seema Malhotra MP
Bridget Phillipson MP
Stephen Doughty MP

House of Lords

Chief Whip
Lord (Steve) Bassam of Brighton

Deputy Chief Whips
Baroness (Angela) Smith
Lord (Denis) Tunnicliffe

Senior Whips
Lord (Tommy) McAvoy
Baroness (Margaret) Wheeler

Whips
Lord (Ray) Collins
Lord (John) Grantchester
Baroness (Dianne) Hayter
Baroness (Eluned) Morgan
Baroness (Maeve) Sherlock
Lord (Wilf) Stevenson
Baroness (Bryony) Worthington

Ed Miliband speaks during a Q&A with party members at the Labour conference in Brighton last week. Photograph: Getty Images.

George Eaton is political editor of the New Statesman.

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Former Irish premier John Bruton on Brexit: "Britain should pay for our border checks"

The former Taoiseach says Brexit has been interpreted as "a profoundly unfriendly act"

At Kapıkule, on the Turkish border with Bulgaria, the queue of lorries awaiting clearance to enter European Union territory can extend as long as 17km. Despite Turkey’s customs union for goods with the bloc, hauliers can spend up to 30 hours clearing a series of demanding administrative hoops. This is the nightmare keeping former Irish premier John Bruton up at night. Only this time, it's the post-Brexit border between Northern Ireland and the Republic, and it's much, much worse.   

Bruton (pictured below), Taoiseach between 1994 and 1997, is an ardent pro-European and was historically so sympathetic to Britain that, while in office, he was pilloried as "John Unionist" by his rivals. But he believes, should she continue her push for a hard Brexit, that Theresa May's promise for a “seamless, frictionless border” is unattainable. 

"A good example of the sort of thing that might arise is what’s happening on the Turkish-Bulgarian border," the former leader of Ireland's centre-right Fine Gael party told me. “The situation would be more severe in Ireland, because the UK proposes to leave the customs union as well."

The outlook for Ireland looks grim – and a world away from the dynamism of the Celtic Tiger days Bruton’s coalition government helped usher in. “There will be all sorts of problems," he said. "Separate permits for truck drivers operating across two jurisdictions, people having to pay for the right to use foreign roads, and a whole range of other issues.” 

Last week, an anti-Brexit protest on the border in Killeen, County Louth, saw mock customs checks bring traffic to a near standstill. But, so far, the discussion around what the future looks like for the 260 border crossings has focused predominantly on its potential effects on Ulster’s fragile peace. Last week Bruton’s successor as Taoiseach, Bertie Ahern, warned “any sort of physical border” would be “bad for the peace process”. 

Bruton does not disagree, and is concerned by what the UK’s withdrawal from the European Convention on Human Rights might mean for the Good Friday Agreement. But he believes the preoccupation with the legacy of violence has distracted British policymakers from the potentially devastating economic impact of Brexit. “I don’t believe that any serious thought was given to the wider impact on the economy of the two islands as a whole," he said. 

The collapse in the pound has already hit Irish exporters, for whom British sales are worth £15bn. Businesses that work across the border could yet face the crippling expense of duplicating their operations after the UK leaves the customs union and single market. This, he says, will “radically disturb” Ireland’s agriculture and food-processing industries – 55 per cent of whose products are sold to the UK. A transitional deal will "anaesthetise" people to the real impact, he says, but when it comes, it will be a more seismic change than many in London are expecting. He even believes it would be “logical” for the UK to cover the Irish government’s costs as it builds new infrastructure and employs new customs officials to deal with the new reality.

Despite his past support for Britain, the government's push for a hard Brexit has clearly tested Bruton's patience. “We’re attempting to unravel more than 40 years of joint work, joint rule-making, to create the largest multinational market in the world," he said. It is not just Bruton who is frustrated. The British decision to "tear that up", he said, "is regarded, particularly by people in Ireland, as a profoundly unfriendly act towards neighbours".

Nor does he think Leave campaigners, among them the former Northern Ireland secretary Theresa Villiers, gave due attention to the issue during the campaign. “The assurances that were given were of the nature of: ‘Well, it’ll be alright on the night!’," he said. "As if the Brexit advocates were in a position to give any assurances on that point.” 

Indeed, some of the more blimpish elements of the British right believe Ireland, wedded to its low corporate tax rates and east-west trade, would sooner follow its neighbour out of the EU than endure the disruption. Recent polling shows they are likely mistaken: some 80 per cent of Irish voters say they would vote to remain in an EU referendum.

Irexit remains a fringe cause and Bruton believes, post-Brexit, Dublin will have no choice but to align itself more closely with the EU27. “The UK is walking away,” he said. “This shift has been imposed upon us by our neighbour. Ireland will have to do the best it can: any EU without Britain is a more difficult EU for Ireland.” 

May, he says, has exacerbated those difficulties. Her appointment of her ally James Brokenshire as secretary of state for Northern Ireland was interpreted as a sign she understood the role’s strategic importance. But Bruton doubts Ireland has figured much in her biggest decisions on Brexit: “I don’t think serious thought was given to this before her conference speech, which insisted on immigration controls and on no jurisdiction for the European Court of Justice. Those two decisions essentially removed the possibility for Ireland and Britain to work together as part of the EEA or customs union – and were not even necessitated by the referendum decision.”

There are several avenues for Britain if it wants to avert the “voluntary injury” it looks set to inflict to Ireland’s economy and its own. One, which Bruton concedes is unlikely, is staying in the single market. He dismisses as “fanciful” the suggestions that Northern Ireland alone could negotiate European Economic Area membership, while a poll on Irish reunification is "only marginally" more likely. 

The other is a variation on the Remoaners’ favourite - a second referendum should Britain look set to crash out on World Trade Organisation terms without a satisfactory deal. “I don’t think a second referendum is going to be accepted by anybody at this stage. It is going to take a number of years,” he said. “I would like to see the negotiation proceed and for the European Union to keep the option of UK membership on 2015 terms on the table. It would be the best available alternative to an agreed outcome.” 

As things stand, however, Bruton is unambiguous. Brexit means the Northern Irish border will change for the worse. “That’s just inherent in the decision the UK electorate was invited to take, and took – or rather, the UK government took in interpreting the referendum.”