Labour's new frontbench team: the full list

Who's who in Miliband's new shadow ministerial line-up.

Ed Miliband has now completed Labour's shadow ministerial reshuffle, below is the new frontbench in full.

Among the notable appointments are Luciana Berger, who replaces Diane Abbott as shadow public health minister, Rushanara Ali, who joins the shadow education team from international development, Chris Bryant, who leaves his post as shadow immigration minister and joins the DWP team, Lucy Powell (Miliband's former deputy chief of staff), who becomes shadow childcare and early years minister, Stella Creasy, who joins the BIS team having previously served as shadow minister for crime prevention and Gareth Thomas, who replaces Emma Reynolds (Labour's new shadow housing minister) as shadow Europe minister.

Leader of the Opposition
Ed Miliband MP
Karen Buck MP (PPS)
Wayne David MP (PPS)

Deputy Leader and Culture, Media & Sport
Harriet Harman MP (Shadow Deputy Prime Minister, Party Chair and Shadow Secretary of State for Culture, Media and Sport)
Helen Goodman MP
Clive Efford MP
Baroness (Maggie) Jones
Lord (Wilf) Stevenson

Treasury
Ed Balls MP
Chris Leslie MP
Cathy Jamieson MP
Catherine McKinnell MP
Shabana Mahmood MP
Lord (John) Eatwell
Lord (Bryan) Davies
Lord (Neil) Davidson
Lord (Andrew) Adonis

FCO
Douglas Alexander MP (and Chair of General Election Strategy)
John Spellar MP
Gareth Thomas MP
Ian Lucas MP
Kerry McCarthy MP
Lord (David) Triesman
Lord (Willy) Bach
Lord (Roger) Liddle

Home Office
Yvette Cooper MP
Jack Dromey MP
David Hanson MP
Diana Johnson MP
Helen Jones MP
Steve Reed MP
Baroness (Angela) Smith
Lord (Richard) Rosser

Justice
Sadiq Khan MP (also Shadow Minister for London)
Stephen Twigg MP
Andy Slaughter MP
Jenny Chapman MP
Dan Jarvis MP
Lord (Jeremy) Beecham
Lord (Charlie) Falconer QC (Constitutional Issues & providing advice on Planning and Transition into Government)

Health
Andy Burnham MP
Liz Kendall MP
Luciana Berger MP
Andrew Gwynne MP
Jamie Reed MP
Lord (Philip) Hunt
Lord (Keith) Bradley (from Nov)

Business, Innovation & Skills
Chuka Umunna MP
Liam Byrne MP
Iain Wright MP
Toby Perkins MP
Stella Creasy MP
Ian Murray MP
Lord (Wilf) Stevenson
Lord (Tony) Young
Baroness (Dianne) Hayter
Lord (Roger) Liddle

Work & Pensions
Rachel Reeves MP
Stephen Timms MP
Chris Bryant MP
Gregg McClymont MP
Kate Green MP
Baroness (Maeve) Sherlock
Lord (Keith) Bradley (from Nov)

Education
Tristram Hunt MP
Kevin Brennan MP
Steve McCabe MP
Rushanara Ali MP
Lucy Powell MP
Baroness (Beverley) Hughes
Baroness (Maggie) Jones

Defence
Vernon Coaker MP
Kevan Jones MP
Alison Seabeck MP
Yvonne Fovargue MP
Gemma Doyle MP
Lord (Richard) Rosser

Communities and Local Government
Hilary Benn MP
Emma Reynolds MP
Roberta Blackman-Woods MP
Lyn Brown MP
Andy Sawford MP
Lord (Bill) McKenzie
Lord (Jeremy) Beecham

Energy and Climate Change
Caroline Flint MP
Tom Greatrex MP
Jonathan Reynolds MP
Julie Elliott MP
Baroness (Bryony) Worthington

Leader of the House of Commons
Angela Eagle MP
(also Chair of the National Policy Forum)
Angela C Smith MP

Transport
Mary Creagh MP
Lilian Greenwood MP
Gordon Marsden MP
Richard Burden MP
Lord (Bryan) Davies
Lord (Richard) Rosser

Northern Ireland
Ivan Lewis MP
Stephen Pound MP
Lord (Tommy) McAvoy

International Development
Jim Murphy MP
Alison McGovern MP
Gavin Shuker MP
Lord (Ray) Collins

Scotland
Margaret Curran MP
Russell Brown MP
Gordon Banks MP
Lord (Tommy) McAvoy

Wales
Owen Smith MP
Nia Griffith MP
Baroness (Eluned) Morgan

Environment, Food and Rural Affairs
Maria Eagle MP
Huw Irranca-Davies MP
Barry Gardiner MP
Thomas Docherty MP
Lord (Jim) Knight

Cabinet Office
Michael Dugher MP
Lord (Stewart) Wood
Jon Ashworth MP
Chi Onwurah MP
Lisa Nandy MP
Baroness (Dianne) Hayter

Minister without Portfolio and Deputy Party Chair
Jon Trickett MP

Women & Equalities Office
Gloria De Piero MP
Sharon Hodgson MP
Baroness (Glenys) Thornton

Law Officers
Emily Thornberry MP
Lord (Neil) Davidson QC (Adv. Gen. Scotland)

Coordinator of the Labour Party Policy Review
Jon Cruddas MP

Leader of the House of Lords
Baroness (Jan) Royall
Lord (Philip) Hunt (Deputy Leader)

Whips Office

House of Commons

Chief Whip, Shadow Parliamentary Secretary to the Treasury
Rosie Winterton MP

Whips
Alan Campbell MP
Mark Tami MP (Pairing Whip)
Heidi Alexander MP
David Hamilton MP
Graham Jones MP
Tom Blenkinsop MP
Susan Elan-Jones MP
Phil Wilson MP
Julie Hilling MP
Karl Turner MP
Nic Dakin MP
Seema Malhotra MP
Bridget Phillipson MP
Stephen Doughty MP

House of Lords

Chief Whip
Lord (Steve) Bassam of Brighton

Deputy Chief Whips
Baroness (Angela) Smith
Lord (Denis) Tunnicliffe

Senior Whips
Lord (Tommy) McAvoy
Baroness (Margaret) Wheeler

Whips
Lord (Ray) Collins
Lord (John) Grantchester
Baroness (Dianne) Hayter
Baroness (Eluned) Morgan
Baroness (Maeve) Sherlock
Lord (Wilf) Stevenson
Baroness (Bryony) Worthington

Ed Miliband speaks during a Q&A with party members at the Labour conference in Brighton last week. Photograph: Getty Images.

George Eaton is political editor of the New Statesman.

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Leader: The angry middle

As a sense of victimhood extends even to the middle classes, it makes Western democracies much more difficult to govern.

Two months after the United Kingdom’s vote to leave the European Union, it remains conventional wisdom that the referendum result was largely a revolt by the so-called left behind. Yet this is not the full picture. Many of the 52 per cent who voted Leave were relatively prosperous and well educated, yet still angry and determined to deliver a shock to the political system. We should ask ourselves why the English middle class, for so long presumed to be placid and risk-averse, was prepared to gamble on Brexit.

Populism has long appealed to those excluded from political systems, or from a share in prosperity. In recent years, however, its appeal has broadened to young graduates and those on above-average incomes who also feel that they have not benefited from globalisation. The sense of middle-class victimhood has become a major strand in Western politics.

In the United States, middle-class anger has powered support for Bernie Sanders and Donald Trump. The former drew his activist base mostly from young liberals. And while Mr Trump’s success in the Republican primaries was often attributed to a working-class insurrection against “the elites”, exit poll data showed that the median yearly income of a Trump voter was $72,000, compared with a national average of $56,000. (For supporters of Hillary Clinton, the figure was roughly $61,000.) It is not the have-nots who have powered Mr Trump’s rise, but the have-a-bits.

In the UK, similar forces can be seen in the rise of Jeremy Corbyn. Indeed, research shows that three-quarters of Labour Party members are from the top social grades, known as ABC1. About 57 per cent have a degree.

Mr Sanders, Mr Trump and Mr Corbyn have very different policies, ideologies and strategies, but they are united by an ability to tap into middle-class dissatisfaction with the present order. Some of that anger flows from politicians’ failure to convey the ways in which society has improved in recent years, or to speak truthfully to electorates. In the UK and much of the West, there have been huge gains – life expectancy has risen, absolute poverty has decreased, teenage pregnancy has fallen to a record low, crime rates have fallen, and huge strides have been made in curbing gender, sexual and racial discrimination. Yet we hear too little of these successes.

Perhaps that is why so many who are doing comparatively well seem the most keen to upset the status quo. For instance, pensioners voted strongly to leave the EU and are the demographic from which Ukip attracts most support. Yet the over-65s are enjoying an era of unprecedented growth in their real incomes. Since 2010, the basic state pension has risen by over four times the increase in average earnings. 

Among young people, much of their anger is directed towards tuition fees and the iniquities of the housing market. Yet, by definition, tuition fees are paid only by those who go into higher education – and these people receive a “graduate bonus” for the rest of their lives. Half of school-leavers do not attend university and, in a globalised world, it is their wages that are most likely to be undercut by immigration.

However, we should not be complacent about the concerns of the “angry middle”. The resentment exploited by Donald Trump is the result of 40 years of stagnant median wages in the United States. In Japan and Germany, median wages have not increased in the past two decades. In the UK, meanwhile, the median income for those aged 31-59 is no greater than it was in 2007, and those aged 22-30 are 7 per cent worse off, according to the Institute for Fiscal Studies.

To compound the problem, the wealthy keep getting wealthier. In 1980, American CEOs were paid 42 times the wage of the average worker. They are now paid 400 times as much. In the UK, the share of household income going to the top 1 per cent has more than doubled since 1979. Because of our hyperconnected, globalised media culture, we see more of the super-rich, fuelling feelings of resentment.

As a sense of victimhood extends even to the middle classes, it makes Western democracies much more difficult to govern, with voters oscillating between populists of the left and the right. The political centre is hollowing out. Rather than pander to the populists, we must do more to quell the politics of victimhood by addressing the root of this corrosive sense of grievance: entrenched inequality. 

This article first appeared in the 25 August 2016 issue of the New Statesman, Cameron: the legacy of a loser