Labour and Lib Dem MPs who voted against gay marriage: full list

Twenty two Labour MPs and four Liberal Democrat MPs voted against the equal marriage bill last night.

While all the attention was on the Conservatives, who voted in greater numbers against equal marriage (136 MPs) than in favour of it (127 MPs), a not insignificant number of Labour and Liberal Democrat MPs also opposed the bill. Twenty two Labour MPs voted against it, with sixteen abstaining, and four Lib Dems voted against it, with seven abstaining. Below is a full list of them. 

Based on the figures, 45 per cent of Tory MPs voted against the bill (58 per cent including abstentions), nine per cent of Labour MPs did (15 per cent including abstentions) and seven per cent of Lib Dem MPs did (20 per cent including abstentions).

Labour MPs who voted against equal marriage (22)

Joe Benton (Bootle)

Ronnie Campbell (Blyth Valley)

Tom Clarke (Coatbridge, Chryston & Bellshill)

Rosie Cooper (Lancashire West)

David Crausby (Bolton North East)

Tony Cunningham (Workington),

Jim Dobbin (Heywood & Middleton)

Brian Donohoe (Ayrshire Central)

Robert Flello (Stoke-on-Trent South)

Mary Glindon (Tyneside North)

Paul Goggins (Wythenshawe & Sale East)

Dai Havard (Merthyr Tydfil & Rhymney)

Michael McCann (East Kilbride, Strathaven & Lesmahagow)

Jim McGovern (Dundee West), Iain McKenzie (Inverclyde)

George Mudie (Leeds East)

Paul Murphy (Torfaen)

Stephen Pound (Ealing North)

Frank Roy (Motherwell & Wishaw)

Jim Sheridan (Paisley & Renfrewshire North)

Derek Twigg (Halton)

Mike Wood (Batley & Spen)

Liberal Democrat MPs who voted against equal marriage (4)

Sir Alan Beith (Berwick-upon-Tweed)

Gordon Birtwistle (Burnley)

John Pugh (Southport)

Sarah Teather (Brent Central)

Labour MPs who did not vote (16)

Dame Anne Begg (Aberdeen South)

Gordon Brown (Kirkcaldy & Cowdenbeath)

Alex Cunningham (Stockton North)

Bill Esterson (Sefton Central)

Pat Glass (Durham North West)

Roger Godsiff (Birmingham Hall Green)

David Heyes (Ashton Under Lyne)

Jim Hood (Lanark & Hamilton East)

Khalid Mahmood (Birmingham Perry Barr)

Michael Meacher (Oldham West & Royton)

Ian Mearns (Gateshead)

Yasmin Qureshi (Bolton South East)

Virendra Sharma (Ealing Southall)

Gavin Shuker (Luton South)

Stephen Timms (East Ham)

Shaun Woodward (St Helens South & Whiston)

Liberal Democrat MPs who did note vote (7)

Norman Baker (Lewes)

Martin Horwood (Cheltenham)

Charles Kennedy (Ross, Skye & Lochaber)

Greg Mulholland (Leeds North West)

John Thurso (Caithness, Sutherland & Easter Ross)

David Ward (Bradford East)

Jenny Willott (Cardiff Central)

Former children's minister Sarah Teather was one of four Liberal Democrat MPs to vote against equal marriage. Photograph: Getty Images.

George Eaton is political editor of the New Statesman.

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Labour's establishment suspects a Momentum conspiracy - they're right

Bernie Sanders-style organisers are determined to rewire the party's machine.  

If you wanted to understand the basic dynamics of this year’s Labour leadership contest, Brighton and Hove District Labour Party is a good microcosm. On Saturday 9 July, a day before Angela Eagle was to announce her leadership bid, hundreds of members flooded into its AGM. Despite the room having a capacity of over 250, the meeting had to be held in three batches, with members forming an orderly queue. The result of the massive turnout was clear in political terms – pro-Corbyn candidates won every position on the local executive committee. 

Many in the room hailed the turnout and the result. But others claimed that some in the crowd had engaged in abuse and harassment.The national party decided that, rather than first investigate individuals, it would suspend Brighton and Hove. Add this to the national ban on local meetings and events during the leadership election, and it is easy to see why Labour seems to have an uneasy relationship with mass politics. To put it a less neutral way, the party machine is in a state of open warfare against Corbyn and his supporters.

Brighton and Hove illustrates how local activists have continued to organise – in an even more innovative and effective way than before. On Thursday 21 July, the week following the CLP’s suspension, the local Momentum group organised a mass meeting. More than 200 people showed up, with the mood defiant and pumped up.  Rather than listen to speeches, the room then became a road test for a new "campaign meetup", a more modestly titled version of the "barnstorms" used by the Bernie Sanders campaign. Activists broke up into small groups to discuss the strategy of the campaign and then even smaller groups to organise action on a very local level. By the end of the night, 20 phonebanking sessions had been planned at a branch level over the following week. 

In the past, organising inside the Labour Party was seen as a slightly cloak and dagger affair. When the Labour Party bureaucracy expelled leftwing activists in past decades, many on went further underground, organising in semi-secrecy. Now, Momentum is doing the exact opposite. 

The emphasis of the Corbyn campaign is on making its strategy, volunteer hubs and events listings as open and accessible as possible. Interactive maps will allow local activists to advertise hundreds of events, and then contact people in their area. When they gather to phonebank in they will be using a custom-built web app which will enable tens of thousands of callers to ring hundreds of thousands of numbers, from wherever they are.

As Momentum has learned to its cost, there is a trade-off between a campaign’s openness and its ability to stage manage events. But in the new politics of the Labour party, in which both the numbers of interested people and the capacity to connect with them directly are increasing exponentially, there is simply no contest. In order to win the next general election, Labour will have to master these tactics on a much bigger scale. The leadership election is the road test. 

Even many moderates seem to accept that the days of simply triangulating towards the centre and getting cozy with the Murdoch press are over. Labour needs to reach people and communities directly with an ambitious digital strategy and an army of self-organising activists. It is this kind of mass politics that delivered a "no" vote in Greece’s referendum on the terms of the Eurozone bailout last summer – defying pretty much the whole of the media, business and political establishment. 

The problem for Corbyn's challenger, Owen Smith, is that many of his backers have an open problem with this type of mass politics. Rather than investigate allegations of abuse, they have supported the suspension of CLPs. Rather than seeing the heightened emotions that come with mass mobilisations as side-effects which needs to be controlled, they have sought to joins unconnected acts of harassment, in order to smear Jeremy Corbyn. The MP Ben Bradshaw has even seemed to accuse Momentum of organising a conspiracy to physically attack Labour MPs.

The real conspiracy is much bigger than that. Hundreds of thousands of people are arriving, enthusiastic and determined, into the Labour party. These people, and their ability to convince the communities of which they are a part, threaten Britain’s political equilibrium, both the Conservatives and the Labour establishment. When the greatest hope for Labour becomes your greatest nightmare, you have good call to feel alarmed.