Will Maria Miller be stripped of her Leveson role?

Culture Secretary's special adviser warned Telegraph reporter of her boss's involvement in press regulation.

Like her predecessor as Culture Secretary, Jeremy Hunt, Maria Miller is under fire this morning for the actions of one of her special advisers. Today's Telegraph reveals that Joanna Hindley highlighted her boss's role in press regulation after the paper told Miller's office it was planning to run a story on her expenses.

"Maria has obviously been having quite a lot of editors’ meetings around Leveson at the moment. So I am just going to kind of flag up that connection for you to think about," Hindley told the Telegraph's reporter.

The threat was almost certainly an empty one and there is no suggestion that Hindley acted with Miller's blessing. But it does demonstrate how greater regulation of the press could make it easier (indeed, is making it easier) for politicians to intimidate troublesome hacks. The Telegraph took the unusual step of publishing the details of private conversations in view of the "widespread concern about the potential dangers of politicians being given a role in overseeing the regulation of the press".

Hindley is also said to have told the reporter to discuss the issue with "people a little higher up your organisation" before contacting the Telegraph’s head of public affairs to raise concerns about the story. Miller has been accused of abusing the expenses system by claiming £90,000 for a second home where her parents lived.

The culture department has issued a robust response, stating that "Her [Miller's] adviser noted Mrs Miller was in regular contact with the paper’s editor and would raise her concerns directly with him. However, this is a separate issue to ongoing discussions about press regulation. Mrs Miller has made the Government’s position on this clear."

But it is notable that some are already calling for Miller to be stripped of her responsibility for press regulation. Former Lib Dem MP Evan Harris, an associate director of the pro-regulation campaign group Hacked Off, has said Miller must "recuse herself" from Leveson matters. If David Cameron wants to prove his commitment to press freedom in practice as well as in theory, it is an option he may encourage Miller to take.

Maria Miller, Secretary of State for Culture, Media and Sport. Photograph: Getty Images.

George Eaton is political editor of the New Statesman.

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Voters are turning against Brexit but the Lib Dems aren't benefiting

Labour's pro-Brexit stance is not preventing it from winning the support of Remainers. Will that change?

More than a year after the UK voted for Brexit, there has been little sign of buyer's remorse. The public, including around a third of Remainers, are largely of the view that the government should "get on with it".

But as real wages are squeezed (owing to the Brexit-linked inflationary spike) there are tentative signs that the mood is changing. In the event of a second referendum, an Opinium/Observer poll found, 47 per cent would vote Remain, compared to 44 per cent for Leave. Support for a repeat vote is also increasing. Forty one per cent of the public now favour a second referendum (with 48 per cent opposed), compared to 33 per cent last December. 

The Liberal Democrats have made halting Brexit their raison d'être. But as public opinion turns, there is no sign they are benefiting. Since the election, Vince Cable's party has yet to exceed single figures in the polls, scoring a lowly 6 per cent in the Opinium survey (down from 7.4 per cent at the election). 

What accounts for this disparity? After their near-extinction in 2015, the Lib Dems remain either toxic or irrelevant to many voters. Labour, by contrast, despite its pro-Brexit stance, has hoovered up Remainers (55 per cent back Jeremy Corbyn's party). 

In some cases, this reflects voters' other priorities. Remainers are prepared to support Labour on account of the party's stances on austerity, housing and education. Corbyn, meanwhile, is a eurosceptic whose internationalism and pro-migration reputation endear him to EU supporters. Other Remainers rewarded Labour MPs who voted against Article 50, rebelling against the leadership's stance. 

But the trend also partly reflects ignorance. By saying little on the subject of Brexit, Corbyn and Labour allowed Remainers to assume the best. Though there is little evidence that voters will abandon Corbyn over his EU stance, the potential exists.

For this reason, the proposal of a new party will continue to recur. By challenging Labour over Brexit, without the toxicity of Lib Dems, it would sharpen the choice before voters. Though it would not win an election, a new party could force Corbyn to soften his stance on Brexit or to offer a second referendum (mirroring Ukip's effect on the Conservatives).

The greatest problem for the project is that it lacks support where it counts: among MPs. For reasons of tribalism and strategy, there is no emergent "Gang of Four" ready to helm a new party. In the absence of a new convulsion, the UK may turn against Brexit without the anti-Brexiteers benefiting. 

George Eaton is political editor of the New Statesman.