Brooks and Coulson charged for third time

The pair face new charges over alleged illegal payments to public officials.

The Crown Prosecution Service has just announced that Andy Coulson and Rebekah Brooks have been charged over the alleged bribery of public officials.

In the case of Coulson, the charges relate to payments made for a Palace phone directory, known as the "Green Book", containing contact details for the Royal Family. Clive Goodman, the News of the World's former royal editor, who was imprisoned in 2007 for hacking phones belonging to the Royal Household, has also been charged in relation to these allegations.

In the case of Brooks, the charges relate to an alleged payment of £100,000 to Ministry of Defence employee Bettina Jordan Barber in exchange for information which formed the basis of a series of stories published by the Sun. Jordan Barber and the Sun's chief reporter, John Kay, have also been charged.

These are the third set of charges Coulson and Brooks have faced. Coulson has previouly been charged with committing perjury at the trial of Tommy Sheridan in December 2010 and with phone-hacking between October 2000 and 2006. Brooks has also been charged with phone-hacking, including in the case of Milly Dowler, and with perverting the course of justice by concealing evidence from police investigating hacking last summer.

Fifty two people have now been arrested as part of Operation Elveden, the Met's investigation into alleged illegal payments to police and other public officials, including 21 journalists at the Sun.

Former News International chief executive Rebekah Brooks. Photograph: Getty Images.

George Eaton is political editor of the New Statesman.

How Jim Murphy's mistake cost Labour - and helped make Ruth Davidson

Scottish Labour's former leader's great mistake was to run away from Labour's Scottish referendum, not on it.

The strange revival of Conservative Scotland? Another poll from north of the border, this time from the Times and YouGov, shows the Tories experiencing a revival in Scotland, up to 28 per cent of the vote, enough to net seven extra seats from the SNP.

Adding to the Nationalists’ misery, according to the same poll, they would lose East Dunbartonshire to the Liberal Democrats, reducing their strength in the Commons to a still-formidable 47 seats.

It could be worse than the polls suggest, however. In the elections to the Scottish Parliament last year, parties which backed a No vote in the referendum did better in the first-past-the-post seats than the polls would have suggested – thanks to tactical voting by No voters, who backed whichever party had the best chance of beating the SNP.

The strategic insight of Ruth Davidson, the Conservative leader in Scotland, was to to recast her party as the loudest defender of the Union between Scotland and the rest of the United Kingdom. She has absorbed large chunks of that vote from the Liberal Democrats and Labour, but, paradoxically, at the Holyrood elections at least, the “Unionist coalition” she assembled helped those parties even though it cost the vote share.

The big thing to watch is not just where the parties of the Union make gains, but where they successfully form strong second-places against whoever the strongest pro-Union party is.

Davidson’s popularity and eye for a good photo opportunity – which came first is an interesting question – mean that the natural benefactor in most places will likely be the Tories.

But it could have been very different. The first politician to hit successfully upon the “last defender of the Union” routine was Ian Murray, the last Labour MP in Scotland, who squeezed both the  Liberal Democrat and Conservative vote in his seat of Edinburgh South.

His then-leader in Scotland, Jim Murphy, had a different idea. He fought the election in 2015 to the SNP’s left, with the slogan of “Whether you’re Yes, or No, the Tories have got to go”.  There were a couple of problems with that approach, as one  former staffer put it: “Firstly, the SNP weren’t going to put the Tories in, and everyone knew it. Secondly, no-one but us wanted to move on [from the referendum]”.

Then again under different leadership, this time under Kezia Dugdale, Scottish Labour once again fought a campaign explicitly to the left of the SNP, promising to increase taxation to blunt cuts devolved from Westminster, and an agnostic position on the referendum. Dugdale said she’d be open to voting to leave the United Kingdom if Britain left the European Union. Senior Scottish Labour figures flirted with the idea that the party might be neutral in a forthcoming election. Once again, the party tried to move on – but no-one else wanted to move on.

How different things might be if instead of running away from their referendum campaign, Jim Murphy had run towards it in 2015. 

Stephen Bush is special correspondent at the New Statesman. His daily briefing, Morning Call, provides a quick and essential guide to British politics.

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