The NS Interview: Lang Lang

“China is much better, more open, but also rediscovering its roots”

Your name is now trademarked. Does it feel odd to turn your identity into a brand?
Not really, because you wouldn't be happy if someone was using your name for funny things. As a performing artist, your name is on posters, on television, in print. For me, it's important that I protect my name in certain ways.

You started playing the piano when you were two. Were you always ambitious?
Yes. I wanted to be a world-class musician. Music is not my hobby; it was part of my life from the very beginning. Once you have decided to do that, you have to work harder than people who play for fun. The amount of time you have to put in is tremendous.

You've been criticised for how demonstrative you are. Are you aware of how you play?
I kind of know, but I don't know exactly. I know how I shape the phrase, but once you are putting yourself into the music, you don't know what's going on. You just care about the sound.

You spend a lot of your time encouraging young people to play classical music. Why?
They are the future. Just like reading the great novels and Shakespeare, classical music, for me, has real emotion, and it's great when little kids get involved early in their life. It's almost like learning a language.

People talk about "the Lang Lang effect" - so many children in China are now learning the piano. What impact will that have?
It's a great thing, because the piano is a very international instrument and one that shows openness to the international world. Piano is an instrument where you don't need to speak a language - you just hear the music and start to respect the culture through the music.

How does it feel to have become an ambassador for China?
As musicians, we are not only representing our country; we are representing music as a culture. I would like to play more Chinese music to share with other cultures that have never heard classical Chinese music before. At the same time, most players in China are playing western classics so, in a way, as pianists, we are bridging cultures.

How has China changed in your lifetime?
It's a tremendous change. For me, it's getting much better. I feel that China now is much more open. China is trying to find not only the western way to have life experience, but also its own roots.

Do you think the country has neglected its own history?
Ten years ago, China was tearing down buildings to erect a lot of modern stuff. That wor­ries me, because what happens to the old culture and the traditions that China had for so many years? In the past five years, I see they restore the old buildings. In a way, we are rediscovering our own history. Which is a very important thing for every country; you need to have your own identity as well as being open
to the world.

How do you imagine China's future?
For me, as a musician, I'm focusing on helping the younger generation and also bringing better programmes to concert halls. There are already great concert halls in China, but they are not at an international level yet. I'm not talking about Beijing or Shanghai - the real challenge
is in the secondary cities. A secondary city in China is eight or nine million people.

Is your charitable work as important to you as performing?
It's important for us to help the society. If you are somebody whom people recognise, who is a public figure, that's something that will bring awareness. But charity is not only about whether you're a star; it's for everybody.

Is there a plan?
I will turn 30 next year. I will keep performing, but at the same time I would like to do more things on the education side. Maybe I'll reduce some concerts and have time to give some more masterclasses to students and to work for other charity organisations in countries where children are really suffering: to see them and to give time to them, to talk about life and to play music, and to bring some inspirational spirit to the children.

Did your talent ever feel like a burden?
I found there's a great deal of responsibility. You are very lucky to be liked by many people as a musician. I believe it is a real gift - but it's important for musicians to stay modest.

Is there anything you'd like to forget?
Not really. There's some things you don't want to experience again, but you wouldn't forget about them.

Do you vote?
No, I don't.

Are we all doomed?
I really hope this will never happen to us. Let's work together to try to prevent it.

Defining Moments

1982 Born in Shenyang, China
1985 Begins piano lessons after hearing Liszt in a Tom and Jerry cartoon
2001 Sells out debuts at Carnegie Hall in New York and Royal Albert Hall in London
2007 Guest soloist at Nobel Prize ceremony
2008 Launches Lang Lang International Music Foundation with Unicef. Opens the Beijing Olympics to five billion viewers
2011 Performs at the Southbank Centre in London with 100 young British pianists

Sophie Elmhirst is features editor of the New Statesman

This article first appeared in the 23 May 2011 issue of the New Statesman, Obama 2.0

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The New Times: Brexit, globalisation, the crisis in Labour and the future of the left

With essays by David Miliband, Paul Mason, John Harris, Lisa Nandy, Vince Cable and more.

Once again the “new times” are associated with the ascendancy of the right. The financial crash of 2007-2008 – and the Great Recession and sovereign debt crises that were a consequence of it – were meant to have marked the end of an era of runaway “turbocapitalism”. It never came close to happening. The crash was a crisis of capitalism but not the crisis of capitalism. As Lenin observed, there is “no such thing as an absolutely hopeless situation” for capitalism, and so we discovered again. Instead, the greatest burden of the period of fiscal retrenchment that followed the crash was carried by the poorest in society, those most directly affected by austerity, and this in turn has contributed to a deepening distrust of elites and a wider crisis of governance.

Where are we now and in which direction are we heading?

Some of the contributors to this special issue believe that we have reached the end of the “neoliberal” era. I am more sceptical. In any event, the end of neoliberalism, however you define it, will not lead to a social-democratic revival: it looks as if, in many Western countries, we are entering an age in which centre-left parties cannot form ruling majorities, having leaked support to nationalists, populists and more radical alternatives.

Certainly the British Labour Party, riven by a war between its parliamentary representatives and much of its membership, is in a critical condition. At the same time, Jeremy Corbyn’s leadership has inspired a remarkable re-engagement with left-wing politics, even as his party slumps in the polls. His own views may seem frozen in time, but hundreds of thousands of people, many of them young graduates, have responded to his anti-austerity rhetoric, his candour and his shambolic, unspun style.

The EU referendum, in which as much as one-third of Labour supporters voted for Brexit, exposed another chasm in Labour – this time between educated metropolitan liberals and the more socially conservative white working class on whose loyalty the party has long depended. This no longer looks like a viable election-winning coalition, especially after the collapse of Labour in Scotland and the concomitant rise of nationalism in England.

In Marxism Today’s “New Times” issue of October 1988, Stuart Hall wrote: “The left seems not just displaced by Thatcherism, but disabled, flattened, becalmed by the very prospect of change; afraid of rooting itself in ‘the new’ and unable to make the leap of imagination required to engage the future.” Something similar could be said of the left today as it confronts Brexit, the disunities within the United Kingdom, and, in Theresa May, a prime minister who has indicated that she might be prepared to break with the orthodoxies of the past three decades.

The Labour leadership contest between Corbyn and Owen Smith was largely an exercise in nostalgia, both candidates seeking to revive policies that defined an era of mass production and working-class solidarity when Labour was strong. On matters such as immigration, digital disruption, the new gig economy or the power of networks, they had little to say. They proposed a politics of opposition – against austerity, against grammar schools. But what were they for? Neither man seemed capable of embracing the “leading edge of change” or of making the imaginative leap necessary to engage the future.

So is there a politics of the left that will allow us to ride with the currents of these turbulent “new times” and thus shape rather than be flattened by them? Over the next 34 pages 18 writers, offering many perspectives, attempt to answer this and related questions as they analyse the forces shaping a world in which power is shifting to the East, wars rage unchecked in the Middle East, refugees drown en masse in the Mediterranean, technology is outstripping our capacity to understand it, and globalisation begins to fragment.

— Jason Cowley, Editor 

Tom Kibasi on what the left fails to see

Philip Collins on why it's time for Labour to end its crisis

John Harris on why Labour is losing its heartland

Lisa Nandy on how Labour has been halted and hollowed out

David Runciman on networks and the digital revolution

John Gray on why the right, not the left, has grasped the new times

Mariana Mazzucato on why it's time for progressives to rethink capitalism

Robert Ford on why the left must reckon with the anger of those left behind

Ros Wynne-Jones on the people who need a Labour government most

Gary Gerstle on Corbyn, Sanders and the populist surge

Nick Pearce on why the left is haunted by the ghosts of the 1930s

Paul Mason on why the left must be ready to cause a commotion

Neal Lawson on what the new, 21st-century left needs now

Charles Leadbeater explains why we are all existentialists now

John Bew mourns the lost left

Marc Stears on why democracy is a long, hard, slow business

Vince Cable on how a financial crisis empowered the right

David Miliband on why the left needs to move forward, not back

This article first appeared in the 22 September 2016 issue of the New Statesman, The New Times