MK Dons striker Benik Afobe celebrates the team's third goal against Manchester United. Photo: Getty
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Why MK Dons’ 4-0 victory over Manchester United didn’t cause universal joy

How would you feel if the club you supported had been stolen from you, relocated, renamed, made into something entirely different?

When a team from football’s third tier knocks one of the game’s giants out of a cup competition, it’s usually seen as a good thing by all but fans of the vanquished and embarrassed losers. Unless the team doing the giantkilling is MK Dons.

The fact that this week’s 4-0 victory over Manchester United by MK Dons did not spark universal joy prompted some to ask whether too many football fans were stuck in the past; whether begrudging the side dubbed Franchise FC their achievement was a little mean-minded. MK Dons won the game fair and square and, what’s more, say the pragmatists, they are a club with an impressive youth policy and one which does a lot of good work in local schools. Surely it’s time to forget about a dispute that happened ten years ago?

It seems a reasonable point. But making the point risks underestimating the resonance of what one football industry insider described to me as “the biggest single governance failure in English football” – the decision in 2004 to give the old Wimbledon FC’s place in the league to a newly-formed club. A decision which then-Football Association chief executive Adam Crozier described at the time as “appalling”.

To understand the strength of feeling over the issue, imagine how it would feel to have the club you support stolen from you, relocated, renamed, made into something entirely different. Talk to most fans of the old Wimbledon FC and they will describe what happened in exactly those terms.

Wimbledon FC was relocated from south west London to Milton Keynes against the wishes of a large majority of its fans in 2002. The move was also opposed by the FA and by the Football League, which said any new club in Milton Keynes would need to gain league status by progressing up the pyramid just as other clubs did. But the FA then set up an independent – but hand-picked – three-man commission to decide on the move, and it was approved to general astonishment on 28 May 2002. The decision was final and binding.

It’s important at this stage to understand the background to why a football club was needed in Milton Keynes. Asda, the world’s largest supermarket chain, wanted a presence in a Tesco stronghold and wanted to build Europe’s largest supermarket there. Planning rules meant that development on greenfield sites was not supported, but the proposed MK Asda would not work on a brownfield site.

The only way the greenfield site restrictions could be got around was through what’s called “planning gain” – in plain English some demonstrable benefit to the local community that would come from allowing development. A football stadium would be one example of a civic amenity that would do the job. But Milton Keynes did not have a team that needed a stadium on the scale required. And with no team, there would be no stadium, and therefore no development.

And so the Milton Keynes Stadium Consortium, led by pop music entrepreneur Pete Winkelman and supported by Wal-Mart subsidiary Asda and furniture giant Ikea, began to look for a football team that could occupy the 30,000 capacity stadium needed to enable the development of the retail, hotel, stadium and conference centre development they wanted to build.

Luton Town, Crystal Palace, Barnet and QPR were approached, along with Wimbledon. At one stage, a merger of QPR and Wimbledon was mooted, prompting fierce opposition from fans of both clubs. The consortium appeared to be getting nowhere. Then, in 2001, Wimbledon FC owner Charles Koppel announced the club would be moving to Milton Keynes, setting in motion the process that eventually led to a decision opposed by almost everyone concerned, including the bodies that were supposed to run the game but which could apparently not enforce their own wishes.

Most fans of Wimbledon FC viewed this as the theft and destruction of their club, and founded their own team, AFC Wimbledon, which began to work its way up from the bottom of football’s pyramid system. Wimbledon FC, meanwhile, struggled on and off the pitch, being relegated and going into administration at the end of the 2003/04 season. With the club out of business, the property development project was threatened. So Winkelman brought Wimbledon FC out of administration in June 2004, renamed the club Milton Keynes Dons, and changed the colours and badge. But the choice of Dons, the nickname of the old Wimbledon FC, the basing of the new badge on the old crest, and Winkelman’s insistence that the new club was the “real child of Wimbledon”, rankled.

The ensuing dispute became bitter. Winkleman responded to criticism by accusing AFC Wimbledon’s fans of “betraying” their former club, and said they “abdicated their right” to the club’s history “when they walked away”. In 2006, after prolonged negotiations, MK Dons renounced any claims to the history of Wimbledon FC before 2004. In return, the Wimbledon Independent Supporters Association agreed to drop calls for a boycott of MK Dons games.

And that, say the pragmatists, is that. Surely it’s time to let bygones be bygones. But, as one AFC Wimbledon fan told me: “It’s grubby, and what sticks most is that MK continue to deny all of that ever happened. In their narrative, Wimbledon was dying, the fault of the fans in south west London, and they saved it. In their narrative, they’re the good guys and we’re the bad guys. It’s hard to feel equanimous towards people who think they’re the victims.”

And in response to the point that, now AFC Wimbledon have gained a place in the league the proper way, on playing merit, surely it’s time to let it all drop, he says this. “That’s like saying that a person who has the car they build themselves nicked should get over it because they managed to build themselves a new car instead, despite the person who nicked their car having pimped it, blamed the person who built it for the theft and then driven all over town with the sunroof down like the big I am.”

It may be easy to dismiss such arguments as emotional, but football trades on emotions, and the issues raised by the murky story of the origins of MK Dons strikes at the heart of valued notions of community, continuity and fair play. And there are important considerations beyond those no less important emotional ones, too.

The industry insider I spoke to said the decision to allow the relocation “was the high water mark for attempts to paint football as some sort of free market” which “made it possible for others to do similar things”. The current goings on at Coventry City provide a good example. That 2002 decision also “chipped away at part of the foundations of what clubs are” and puts the consortium of private companies behind MK Dons into the middle of football’s decision-making process.

It’s legitimate to ask why, if you are an ambitious manager, a young player, or even a young fan in a town wanting to support your local team, you should be expected to atone for sins committed a decade ago indefinitely. Outside of the complex emotions of football, it must seem rather curmudgeonly to perpetrate the resentments of yesteryear.

But football is what it is because of those complex emotions. The existence of MK Dons remains a challenge to the values that make the game the emotional and therefore commercial property it is – the result, let’s remember, of “the biggest single governance failure in football” in one insider’s opinion. So what would move things on? Perhaps acceding to the demands of the Wimbledon Guardian’s campaign calling for the Dons part of the MK club’s name to be dropped would help. Better still, a genuine recognition of what was wrong with the process that led to the establishment of the MK club and a proper commitment to stop anything like it happening again.

It is possible to look at the achievement of MK Dons’ manager Karl Robinson and his team this week and salute the achievement, to recognise a famous victory achieved fair and square. But already there are signs of the club’s hierarchy using the platform the victory has provided to normalise a situation that many believe should not be normalised, to gloss over the past and to entrench the victim-blaming that has so enraged fans of the real Wimbledon over the years.

And that’s why this week’s giantkilling has not prompted universal joy.

Martin Cloake’s latest book, Taking Our Ball Back: English Football’s Culture Wars, includes a selection of his writing from the New Statesman website

Martin Cloake is a writer and editor based in London. You can follow him on Twitter at @MartinCloake.

Jeff J Mitchell
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The SNP has failed Scotland's children

Nine years of SNP rule have not led to any great improvements in Scottish education.

The SNP has been in power in Holyrood for the last nine years, and had a majority for the last five. When not pushing for greater powers, Nicola Sturgeon’s party have emphasised their commitment to education at every turn.

Yet, across primary, secondary and higher education, the party’s record is poor. Nine years of SNP rule have not led to any great improvements in Scottish education; indeed, in many ways it has become worse.

Standards of literacy and numeracy have declined north of the River Tweed. Since 2011, the proportion of pupils performing well or very well in reading has fallen in all three of the age groups measured by the Scottish Survey of Literacy and Numeracy - Primary 4 (age 8-9), Primary 7 (age 11-12) and Secondary 2 (age 13-14). Writing standards for older students have slipped too, while maths attainment has decreased for all three age groups measured.

For all the SNP’s rhetoric about opening up opportunity, the attainment gap between advantaged and disadvantaged Scottish children is huge, and actually increasing by many measures. By the age of five, the vocabulary of the poorest quintile of students is 13 months behind the richest quintile. Aged five, the poorest children in Scotland perform worse than the poorest in England, and the gap in cognitive development between children from less well-off backgrounds and others is bigger in Scotland than in England. Disadvantaged children are suffering most from the SNP’s failure to make good on its pledge, in 2007, to reduce average class sizes in primary schools to 18; they are now 23.

The gap between the richest and poorest Scottish students only widens after primary school. Since 2011, the biggest decrease in both writing and numeracy performance among 13 and 14-year-olds has been for the most disadvantaged students. In 2014, the most deprived tenth of children were seven times more likely than the least deprived to leave school without achieving one or more Standard Grades at Credit level, which are analagous to GCSEs.

Little wonder that Scotland’s international standing in education, long a source of pride, has fallen away. A special OECD report on Scottish education last year observed the “declining relative and absolute achievement levels in mathematics”. The most recent PISA figures, based on data from 2012, continued the trend of stagnation. Scotland’s performance across each of reading, science and maths, the three areas measured by PISA, has worsened since 2003; the drop has been particularly great in maths, where Scotland has fallen from being a world leader to average for the OECD. Across maths, science and reading, educational attainment in Scotland is worse than Ireland. While the roots of the educational decline predate the SNP coming into power, Scotland’s performance, as measured by Scottish and international data, has not been improved in nine years of SNP rule.

If the SNP’s record in primary and secondary education is undistinguished, it is even worse in higher education. The richest Scottish students are 3.53 times more likely to enter university at age 18 via UCAS than the poorest ones, compared with 2.58 in Northern Ireland, 2.56 in Wales and 2.52 in England. Fewer than one in ten young people from the most disadvantaged areas begin to study towards a degree by the age of 20.

It is five years since Alex Salmond declared: “The rocks will melt with the sun before I allow tuition fees to be imposed on Scotland’s students.” He was so enamoured with these words that he unveiled them on a commemorative stone at Heriot-Watt University on his last day as First Minister in 2014.

Since devolution, there is no policy that the SNP trumpet more proudly than resisting the move to tuition fees south of the border, and keeping university education completely free of charge. This is flaunted as a triumph of progressive politics: Sturgeon likes to say that fees would have prevented her from going to university.

Yet protecting Scottish students from university tuition fees has led to cuts to student grants, and a £20 million transfer from disadvantaged students to middle-class ones, according to the policy analyst Lucy Hunter Blackburn. The poorer you are in Scotland, the greatest the debt when you graduate: students from households that earn less than £34,000 will typically graduate with between £4,000 to £5,000 more debt than those from families earning more, research from Hunter Blackburn shows

The tuition fee policy has also hurt disadvantaged students in another way. Success rates for Scots applying to university have fallen sharply in recent years, and are now well below those for applicants in England or Wales, due to the relatively tight cap on the number of students that Scottish universities can take. This hurts all students but disproportionately affects the most disadvantaged. Meanwhile in England the cap on the number of students universities can take has been removed, benefiting all students but especially the most disadvantaged.

The deleterious consequences of free university tuition extend to school education. “Higher education spending has been maintained whilst spending on schools and colleges has been cut. This is a conscious political decision,” says Sheila Riddell from the University of Edinburgh. The effects can be seen in the investment in schools. Between 2010 and 2013, school spending in Scotland fell by five per cent in real terms from 2010 to 2013 while, in England, it rose by three per cent in real terms between 2010 and 2015.

If the extra cuts forced by the maintenance of free tuition fees are one common theme of Scotland’s educational problems, there is another striking one: a lack of accountability. The culture of ubiquitous school league tables is lacking north of Berwick-upon-Tweed.

Scottish education needs “a more robust evidence base,” the OECD report noted, while the Social Mobility and Child Poverty Commission have said the lack of data impedes analysis of “the effectiveness of different policy interventions at improving social mobility”. It is not merely a bureaucratic issue. “A lack of data means a lack of accountability,” Riddell says. The reluctance to use data to highlight failings in schools partly explains why Scotland has also shied away from the educational reforms that have been pioneered in London and then rolled out in the rest of England, including the Teach First programme and academies.

This inertia is also detectable in higher education. Since 2004, England has had the Office for Fair Access, an independent public body designed to ensure universities do enough to encourage disadvantaged students. But disadvantaged students in Scotland endured a decade with no high profile national leadership until the Commission on Widening Access in Scotland was formed last year. It remains unclear whether the planned new Commissioner for Fair Access would have the same powers enjoyed by the Director of OFFA. 

These failings do not merely add up to huge problems in Scottish education. They are also emblematic of something wider: how the SNP has been able to float above all criticism of its record while focusing on the independence debate. Scottish children, particularly those most in need of help, have been the losers.

Tim Wigmore is a contributing writer to the New Statesman and the author of Second XI: Cricket In Its Outposts.