A woman holds a placard aloft during a Slutwalk march in Melbourne, Australia. Photo: Getty
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We live in a culture riddled with rape-supportive beliefs about consent

The comments by the judge in the case of Adam Hulin, who was last week convicted on two counts of sexual assault, demonstrate that the judiciary still seems to have enormous problems wrapping its head around the personhood of women and girls.

Last week, a sentence was passed at Guildford Crown Court on a 19-year-old man named Adam Hulin. He had pled guilty to two counts of sexual assault – the oral rape of a child under 13 and assault by penetration of a child under 13. His penalty, judged to be “the appropriate disposal” by George Lawson-Rogers QC, was 100 hours of community service, six hours of counselling and a victim surcharge of £60.

In handing down the sentence, the judge stressed that he was unable to “dismiss the contention that what happened was not by mutual consent,” noting that although “[r]ape is a very serious offence” it “can cover a great number of different circumstances.” The defendant, he went on, was “19 and there is much to be said in his favour. . . I certainly wouldn’t want to do anything which would prejudice his future career.”

The judge had apparently concluded that Hulin’s guilt lay only in a pesky legal technicality. According to local reports, the defence recast Hulin’s “crime” as nothing more than “what most people would ordinarily define as regular sexual activity,” which unfortunately just happened to involve a child. Were the complainant not “a couple of months shy of her 13th birthday,” Hulin would never have found himself in the dock. “Once upon a time it wouldn’t have been rape at all,” the judge reportedly agreed.

Such nostalgia for a long-lost age when children could be molested with impunity deserves a special kind of scorn. It alone raises a huge red flag about the judgment. And this impression is only amplified by the judge’s all-too-familiar fears of ruining a good man’s glowing prospects, and the deafening absence of any care about the damage to the future of the girl.

We hear this all the time, the howls about the Yewtree witch-hunts, each a stinging reminder that, for many, the reputation of a single man is too high a price to pay for a possible world in which tens of thousands of women are not consigned each year to spend their futures struggling with despair.

The lives of women are just not worth that much: this is what we hear in Lawson-Rogers’ words. And we are somehow then expected to trust his judgment that Hulin has committed a crime in nothing but name – and as such is deserving of such unusual clemency.  Thankfully, following a number of requests, the Attorney General announced on Monday that he will review the case.

Nonetheless, the most disturbing thing about this sentence is that a man so seemingly inclined to privilege the needs of men arrived at his ”appropriate disposal” because he bought, in its entirety, the defence’s version of Adam Hulin’s actions. This argued that there had been no violation of consent; by trying his luck with this particular girl, Hulin was just engaging in sexual activity ordinarily defined. And this is a monumental problem – one we must shout about if we are to have any hope of more women seeing justice. We live in a culture riddled with rape-supportive beliefs about consent. What “most people” think about “regular sexual activity” is bullshit.

As feminists have noted for a good long time, we inherited our understanding of sexual violence from a tradition which conceived it as a property crime – originally against the “owner” of the woman. This might seem old hat, but cast your eyes below the line on any discussion of rape, and pay attention to the metaphors: flaunted jewellery jostling with wallets and laptops left inadvisably in unlocked cars.

Rape is conceived as an act of theft, or sometimes, and more notably, as an act of accidental trespass. Woman are unconquered – virgin even – territory. They are fertile land abandoned by an owner who forgot to place a stonking DO NOT ENTER sign just where a hapless journeyman would see it. Under such extenuating circumstances, how on earth could he have known that he had crossed a line?

Women are not wallets, or computers. They are not neglected land, or uncharted territory. Rape is not theft, or trespass. It is an attack on the very centre of someone’s personhood, an act of annihilation which leaves victims with the hollow sense of having somehow survived their own murders. It functions by violently converting a person into a thing, and in that – not incidentally – it shares something with the thought of rape that understands it as a property crime. 

The difference between property and persons is passivity. Despite changes in the law, our culture still places women in a default position of consent. When allied to the presumption of innocence, and an adversarial system that places the burden of proof squarely on the prosecution, this means that establishing that a crime has been committed falls invariably on the woman, and her ability to show that she withdrew her consent, and signaled so explicitly, ideally with some sort of convenient corroborating evidence.

But what would happen if the judiciary took seriously the suggestion that women are people, and that consent is not something that people withdraw, but extend? How would our sexual lives transform if men were raised to understand that explaining why they didn’t know what they were doing was inadequate, and they would be required to give a compelling account of why they were absolutely certain that they did? What if it wasn’t all about victims saying no, but about the grounds on which defendants heard a yes?

Creating a culture of active consent will take time, and no doubt there will be comments from (mostly) men who think it a conceit of those who wish to install a coterie of bureaucrats inside their bedrooms. But this is so much rape-supporting whataboutery. Many men – the overwhelming majority of them in fact – manage to negotiate their entire lives without accidentally raping someone. Working out if the person you want to have sex with actively wants to have sex with you is not like solving Fermat’s last theorem – it just involves understanding that that person is a person, and has their own wants, and bothering to care about what they are.

As the comments by Hulin’s judge suggest, the judiciary still seems to have enormous problems wrapping its head around the personhood of women and girls. Keir Starmer, the former Director of Public Prosecutions, is presently considering a Victim’s Law to radically to revise a system which, he is well aware, is “hardly fit for purpose”.

Perhaps if the Victims’ Taskforce commits itself to transforming thoroughly how legal practitioners understand consent, we would start to see real change. And with it the slow depletion of some men’s confidence – and women’s well-founded fears – that inadvertent trespass will be met with nodding sympathy by those we entrust to execute the law.

Photo: Getty
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Rising crime and fewer police show the most damaging impacts of austerity

We need to protect those who protect us.

Today’s revelation that police-recorded crime has risen by 10 per cent across England and Wales shows one of the most damaging impacts of austerity. Behind the cold figures are countless stories of personal misery; 723 homicides, 466,018 crimes with violence resulting in injury, and 205,869 domestic burglaries to take just a few examples.

It is crucial that politicians of all parties seek to address this rising level of violence and offer solutions to halt the increase in violent crime. I challenge any Tory to defend the idea that their constituents are best served by a continued squeeze on police budgets, when the number of officers is already at the lowest level for more than 30 years.

This week saw the launch Chris Bryant's Protect The Protectors Private Member’s Bill, which aims to secure greater protections for emergency service workers. It carries on where my attempts in the last parliament left off, and could not come at a more important time. Cuts to the number of police officers on our streets have not only left our communities less safe, but officers themselves are now more vulnerable as well.

As an MP I work closely with the local neighbourhood policing teams in my constituency of Halifax. There is some outstanding work going on to address the underlying causes of crime, to tackle antisocial behaviour, and to build trust and engagement across communities. I am always amazed that neighbourhood police officers seem to know the name of every kid in their patch. However cuts to West Yorkshire Police, which have totalled more than £160m since 2010, have meant that the number of neighbourhood officers in my district has been cut by half in the last year, as the budget squeeze continues and more resources are drawn into counter-terrorism and other specialisms .

Overall, West Yorkshire Police have seen a loss of around 1,200 officers. West Yorkshire Police Federation chairman Nick Smart is clear about the result: "To say it’s had no effect on frontline policing is just a nonsense.” Yet for years the Conservatives have argued just this, with the Prime Minister recently telling MPs that crime was at a record low, and ministers frequently arguing that the changing nature of crime means that the number of officers is a poor measure of police effectiveness. These figures today completely debunk that myth.

Constituents are also increasingly coming to me with concerns that crimes are not investigated once they are reported. Where the police simply do not have the resources to follow-up and attend or investigate crimes, communities lose faith and the criminals grow in confidence.

A frequently overlooked part of this discussion is that the demands on police have increased hugely, often in some unexpected ways. A clear example of this is that cuts in our mental health services have resulted in police officers having to deal with mental health issues in the custody suite. While on shift with the police last year, I saw how an average night included a series of people detained under the Mental Health Act. Due to a lack of specialist beds, vulnerable patients were held in a police cell, or even in the back of a police car, for their own safety. We should all be concerned that the police are becoming a catch-all for the state’s failures.

While the politically charged campaign to restore police numbers is ongoing, Protect The Protectors is seeking to build cross-party support for measures that would offer greater protections to officers immediately. In February, the Police Federation of England and Wales released the results of its latest welfare survey data which suggest that there were more than two million unarmed physical assaults on officers over a 12-month period, and a further 302,842 assaults using a deadly weapon.

This is partly due to an increase in single crewing, which sees officers sent out on their own into often hostile circumstances. Morale in the police has suffered hugely in recent years and almost every front-line officer will be able to recall a time when they were recently assaulted.

If we want to tackle this undeniable rise in violent crime, then a large part of the solution is protecting those who protect us; strengthening the law to keep them from harm where possible, restoring morale by removing the pay cap, and most importantly, increasing their numbers.

Holly Lynch is the MP for Halifax. The Protect the Protectors bill will get its second reading on the Friday 20th October. 

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