Taking the nation’s pulse

In a New Statesman and Pfizer debate, the three main political parties clashed over their plans for

"Well I hope the New Statesman have now got their headline," the Conservative shadow health minister Mark Simmonds said at a heated moment in the debate with the Labour Health Secretary, Andy Burnham, and the Liberal Democrats' health spokesman, Norman Lamb. "Which is that the Conservative Party is the only party to maintain and guarantee funding for the National Health Service."

Funding was one of the principal dividing lines in the debate on the NHS that took place a week before the general election on 6 May. All three parties devoted substantial sections of their manifestos to health, and the Tories revealed their commitment to preserving funding for the service in one of their early campaign posters. "I'll cut the deficit, not the NHS," proclaimed an airbrushed David Cameron from billboards around the country. Yet the subject made few headlines and occupied little airtime - especially in the leaders' television debates - during the election campaign.

Given that health commands more of the national budget than any other sector, it is surprising that the party leaders have not done more to divert the public conversation to this policy area. Budgetary concerns preoccupied each of the politicians in our debate, and the Conservatives' pledge to ring-fence the NHS budget was met with opposition.

“A major flaw in Conservative thinking is to see the NHS in isolation from other key public-sector budgets, because the NHS depends on those services for its own ability to function and be productive," said Burnham. Instead of blindly preserving the NHS budget, he argued, efficiencies had to be found.

He added that, while in government, he had been "ahead of the game" in seeking savings, despite the vast challenges involved. "We are entering a new era for the NHS. The era of expansion has come to a close and we now have to get much more for the public from the expanded system."

Lamb broadly agreed, and expressed his astonishment at the Tories' unwillingness to consider making savings in the NHS. "Mark said nothing about this budgetary challenge," said Lamb, "and that really scares me, because there's a real danger that by talking about ring-fencing you take your eye off the ball . . . Even if you have small real-terms increases in funding, the NHS still faces a massive challenge to keep within financial means."

The charge from Labour and the Lib Dems was clear: the Conservatives are unrealistic in their pledge to leave the NHS untouched. However, there was some common ground between the Tory and Lib Dem spokesmen. Simmonds said that he would seek to reduce much of the "central bureaucracy" within the health system, while

Lamb, supporting decentralisation, emphasised the importance of working more closely with local authorities and employers to improve health outcomes. Drawing on the example of the pasty-maker Ginsters, which has successfully reduced sickness absence, he said that encouraging this kind of employer action was essential as health budgets are squeezed.

Mind games

One major budgetary fear expressed by the audience related to mental health care. Representatives from the charities Mind and Sane were anxious that the historical underfunding of mental health services would return. Hasty reassurances followed. Burnham promised to "complete the job" on rolling out psychological therapies, and he and Simmonds agreed on the importance of protecting the mental health research budget. But Burnham took the opportunity to reiterate the difference between Labour and Conservative policy. Pointing out the interdependence of mental health, housing, work and education, he argued again that to separate the health budget from these other sectors simply didn't make sense.

There was also disagreement over the organisation of the health service. The Conservatives said they wanted to avoid another major restructuring. "One of the fundamental things that has gone wrong with the National Health Service in the last decade is constant reorganisation - nine in ten years," Simmonds said. "We need to allow the NHS to bed down so both clinical professionals and management professionals can get on with doing what they want to do, which is to look after patients and improve the quality of patient care."

Lamb outlined the Liberal Democrats' plan to abolish England's NHS strategic health authorities, arguing that "there is nothing sacrosanct about a layer of bureaucracy in the NHS". Burnham took issue with both views. The Tory policy of outsourcing the running of the NHS to an independent board - "making the NHS the biggest quango in the world" - sounded to him like a major organisational change. And he dismissed the Lib Dem idea of scrapping the strategic health authorities as "populist". He defended the job the authorities do at a regional level on jobs, procurement and providing specialist services - though he did note that they would have to face "efficiency changes" along with the rest of the system.

Forever free

The three politicians had a moment of unity when Zack Cooper, a health economist at the London School of Economics, raised the issue of the NHS as a free service.

Cooper asked why the health service had to be free at the point of access, when that only encourages people to use it more. Unless you start charging people for medical care, he asked, how will you give them the incentive to take greater responsibility for their health?

“Look, care free at the point of need is something that I cherish," said Lamb. Simmonds declared his "real belief" that the NHS should be free and available to all: "I think that is something that unifies all of us on this platform." Burnham insisted the NHS was cost-effective compared to systems around the world. "Other, market-based systems often have an incentive to over-treat, over-provide and over-prescribe. We spend per head of population about half of what America spends."

However, Burnham accepted the point about responsibility, saying that the service was sustainable only if people took greater care in their engagement with it. He suggested that people could be made aware of treatment costs - printing the cost of a hip replacement on a patient's letter, for example - as a way of hammering home the value of the service.

Simmonds confirmed that a Tory government would make people pay if they missed dental appointments. Burnham challenged him on whether this would be extended to those who missed GP appointments. Simmonds denied this was the plan.

Towards the end, the debate returned to a question raised at the beginning by a nutritionist in the audience - how to motivate people in the UK to improve their lifestyles. Burnham had earlier stated how "proud" he was that childhood obesity levels had levelled off and that nutritional standards in schools had improved. But he acknowledged the importance of raising the levels of physical activity.

“It's not a good statement about this country that we love sport but are in a relegation place in the physical activity league table," he said. Compared to those in Germany, Scandinavia and the Netherlands, rates of activity across the British population are especially low.

Sporting chance

Burnham reminded the audience that Britain won the 2012 Olympics because the Inter­national Olympic Committee was inspired by proposals in the British bid about increasing the population's activity. Simmonds expressed the hope that, in the run-up to the Olympics, athletes would engage with young people around the country. He also promised to improve sport in schools. "Sadly, competitive sport at a school level has disappeared and we need to bring that back," he said. Burnham shook his head at the implication that Labour had failed to promote sport in schools.

In his closing comments, Simmonds restated the Conservatives' commitment to "patient-centric" care, moving away from the Blair-era focus on targets. Lamb repeated the Lib Dem call for structural reform to liberate resources lost in complex layers of administration, and warned that getting this process right was imperative to maintain public confidence in the health service.

Burnham, however, charted new territory, turning to the previously unmentioned issue of social care. "If returned, I would make the reform of social care the very top priority." As things stand, it's a big if.

Sophie Elmhirst is features editor of the New Statesman

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They know where you live

Imagine your house being raided by armed police. That’s what happened to Mumsnet’s Justine Roberts after she fell victim to an internet hoaxer.

At around midnight on Tuesday 11 August 2015, a man dialled 999 to report a murder. A woman had been killed in her London home, he said, before hanging up without offering his name. A second call followed. This time, the man claimed to be the killer. He told the operator that he had now taken the woman’s children hostage at the Islington address. They were locked with him inside a room in the house, he said. The police responded with reassuring speed. Fifteen minutes later, eight officers, five of them armed with automatic weapons, accompanied by saliva-flecked dogs, arrived at the scene and took up position in neighbouring front gardens. When one officer banged on the front door of the house, the team was greeted, moments later, not by a masked murderer but by a blinking and bewildered au pair.

Justine Roberts, the woman whom the caller claimed to have killed, was in fact nearly 2,000 kilometres away – in Italy, holidaying with her husband and children. After explaining this to the police, the au pair called Roberts, who assumed that the incident was an unfortunate misunderstanding, one that could be unpicked after the vacation. It was no mistake. Roberts had been the victim of “swatting”, the term given to a false emergency call designed to bait an armed unit of police officers to storm someone’s home. It wasn’t until a few days later, as the family was preparing to return to London, that Roberts discovered that she had been the target of a planned and sustained attack, not only on her household, but also on her business.

Roberts is the founder of Mumsnet, the popular British internet discussion forum on which parents share advice and information. A few days before the swatting incident, members of 8chan, a chat room that prides itself on being an open, anonymous platform for free speech, no matter how distasteful, had registered accounts on Mums­net with the aim of trolling people there. When legitimate Mumsnet users identified and then ridiculed the trolls, some retreated to 8chan to plot more serious vengeance in a thread that the police later discovered. Roberts wasn’t involved in the online skirmish but, as the public face of the site, she was chosen as the first target.

After the initial armed response, Roberts’s perception was that the police were unconcerned about the swatting attack. “We were told that there was no victim, so there was not much that could be done,” she told me. The hoax caller, however, was not finished. In the days after the incident, there was chatter on Mumsnet and Twitter about what had happened. A Mumsnet user whom I will call Jo Scott – she requested anonymity for her own safety – exchanged heated messages with a hacker who claimed responsibility for the 999 call.

“It descended into jokes and silliness, like many things do,” Scott said. “I didn’t take it seriously when the hacker said he had big surprises in store.” She doesn’t believe that what happened next was personal. “I think I was just easy to find.”

A few days after police were called to Roberts’s home, Scott was in her bedroom while her husband was sitting downstairs playing video games. At 11pm, she heard a noise outside. “I looked out of the window and saw blue flashing lights in the street,” she recalled. “I could hear shouting but I didn’t pay it much notice.” Then she heard her husband open the front door. Police rushed into the house. An armed officer shouted upstairs, asking Scott if she was hurt. When she replied that she was fine, he told her to fetch her two young children: he needed to see them. Scott shook her sons awake, explaining, so as not to alarm them, that the police had come to show the boys their cars. As the three of them went downstairs, the officers swept up through the house, repeatedly asking if there were any weapons on the property.

“I was beyond confused by this point,” Scott said. “Everyone was carrying a gun. They had little cutaway bits so you could see the bullets. My eldest asked one of the officers if he could have a go on his gun and went to touch it.”

As Scott sat with an officer downstairs, she asked what had happened to her husband. “I later found out that the noises I’d heard were the police calling for him to come outside,” she said. “He dropped the PlayStation controller as he left the room. It was only later that we realised it’s a good job he did: in the dark, the controller might have looked like a weapon.”

Outside, Scott’s husband had been surrounded and arrested. Other police ­officers were on the lookout in the front gardens of nearby properties, having warned the couple’s neighbours to stay indoors, away from their windows. “One of the officers said it was beginning to look like a hoax,” Scott said. “Then he mentioned swatting. As soon as he said that word, I twigged that I’d seen the term that day on Twitter in relation to the Mumsnet hack.”


The term “swatting” has been used by the FBI since 2008. “Swat” is an acronym of “Special Weapons and Tactics”, the American police squads routinely called to intervene in hostage situations. It is, in a sense, a weaponised version of a phoney order of pizza, delivered as a prank to a friend’s home, albeit one that carries the possibility of grave injury at the hands of police. For perpetrators, the appeal is the ease with which the hoax can be set in motion and the severity of the results. With a single, possibly untraceable phone call, dialled from anywhere in the world, it is possible to send an armed unit to any address, be it the home of a high-profile actor whom you want to prank or that of someone you want to scare.

In America, where swatting originated, the practice has become so widespread – targets have included Tom Cruise, Taylor Swift, Clint Eastwood and the Californian congressman Ted Lieu – that it is now classed as an act of domestic terrorism. In the UK, where Justine Roberts’s was one of the first recorded cases, swatting is classed as harassment, though that may change if these and other forms of internet vigilante attacks, such as doxxing, become increasingly commonplace.

Doxxing involves the publication of someone’s personal details – usually their home address, phone numbers, bank details and, in some cases, email address – on the internet. It is often the prelude to swatting: after all, the perpetrator of a hoax cannot direct the police to the target’s home address until this is known. (During the week of the Mumsnet attacks, one of the perpetrators attempted to locate another target using their computer’s IP address, which can identify where a person is connected to the internet, often with alarming precision. Their calculation, however, was slightly out; police were called to a neighbour’s address.)

Though doxxing has a less dramatic outcome than swatting, the psychological effects can be just as severe. For victims – usually people who are active on the internet and who have outspoken opinions or who, in the eyes of an internet mob, have committed some kind of transgression – the mere threat of having their personal information made available on the web can cause lasting trauma. A Canadian software developer whose home address, bank details, social security number and email history were published online in 2014 told me that he now keeps an axe by his front door. “I still don’t feel safe here,” he said. “It’s terrifying.”

Christos Reid, a social media manager for a software company, was doxxed last year. Reid’s information came from a website he had registered seven years earlier. “I woke up one morning to find a tweet announcing my personal details,” he told me. When he asked the Twitter account holder to take down the address, he was told to commit suicide. Reid said he was “OK for about half an hour”; but then, after he went out, he broke down in the street. “I’ve become more paranoid,” he said. He no longer gives out business cards with personal information.

Reid lives in London, but at the time of the doxx he was attending an event in Nottingham, home to the British police’s largest cybercrime division. He was impressed with the police response, even though they told him that they had not heard of the term “doxxing” before. “I was interviewed by two separate people about my experiences who then compiled everything into a case file and transferred it to the Met. When I arrived home, an officer visited me to discuss what happened and my options.”

The policeman explained harassment law to Reid, and offered advice on how to improve security at his flat and what to do if someone hostile turned up at the address. Reid shouldered the repercussions of what had happened alone; no suspects were identified. A spokesperson for the Metropolitan Police similarly said that although detectives from Islington CID have investigated the swatting attacks made on Roberts and Scott, no suspects have been identified “at this time”, even as “inquiries continue”.

Doxxing may seem to be a mild form of harassment but it carries with it an implicit threat of impending violence; the worrying message is: “We know where you live.” Unlike swatting, which is always malicious, doxxing is sometimes viewed by its perpetrators as virtuous. In November 2014, hackers claiming to be aligned with the internet group Anonymous published personal information allegedly belonging to a Ku Klux Klan member from Missouri. The hackers said that their action was a response to the KKK’s threat to use lethal force against demonstrators in the city of Ferguson, Missouri, protesting against the killing of the unarmed black teenager Michael Brown by a white police officer. In January 2015 hackers claiming to be from Isis took over US Central Command’s Twitter account and posted information about senior military officers, including phone numbers and email addresses. In each case, those carrying out the doxxing believed, however mistakenly, in the virtue of their actions and hoped that the information could be used to bring punishment or ruin to the subject.

The term “doxxing” may be new but the practice is an old one. The Hollywood blacklist revealed the political beliefs and associations of actors and directors in the late 1940s as a way to invite shame, deny employment and dissuade others from following their example. “But it has become a lot easier to find people’s private details with the help of the internet,” Jeroen Vader told me. Vader owns Pastebin, a website that allows users to upload and distribute text documents, and where much of the personal data is anonymously uploaded and shared. “People post their private information on social networks,” he said. “A lot of people aren’t aware that their information is so easily available to others.”

In Justine Roberts’s case, the perpetrator may not even have needed to look at social networks to mine her personal information. “If you’re on the electoral roll, you’re easy to find,” she said. “There’s not much you can do to stop people getting hold of your data one way or another, whether it’s for nefarious reasons or simply to better advertise to you. We live in a world that is constantly trying to gather more information about us.”

Jeroen Vader said he has noticed an “upward trend” in the number of doxxing posts uploaded to Pastebin in recent months, but insisted that when someone uses the site’s abuse report system these offending posts are removed immediately.

Across social media companies, action is more often reactive than proactive. Victoria Taylor, a former director at Reddit, one of the largest community-driven websites in the world, said that the rule against publishing other users’ personal information has been “consistently one of the site’s most basic policies” and that “any violation of this rule is taken extremely seriously by the team and community”. Still, she was only able to recommend that victims of doxxing send a message to the site’s administrators. Similarly, when asked what a person can do to remove personal details that have been published without permission, a Twitter spokesperson said: “Use our help form.”

The spokesperson added: “There has def­initely been an overall increase in doxxing since 2006, both on Twitter and on the internet more generally.” She attributed this rise to the emergence of search engines such as Intelius and Spokeo, services designed to locate personal information.


The surge in the number of dox­xing and swatting attacks is in part a result of the current lack of legal protection for victims. Confusion regarding the law on doxxing is pervasive; the term is even not mentioned in either US or European law. In a tutorial posted on Facebook in 2013, the writer claims: “Doxxing isn’t illegal as all the information you have obtained is public,” and adds: “But posting of the doxx might get you in a little trouble.”

Phil Lee, a partner in the privacy, security and information department of Fieldfisher based at the law firm’s office in Silicon Valley, said that differing privacy laws around the world were part of the problem. “Various countries have laws that cover illegal or unauthorised obtaining of data. Likewise, some of the consequences of releasing that data, such as defamation or stalking, cover elements of what we now term doxxing. But there is no global law covering what is a global phenomenon.” Indeed, Roberts believes that her London address was targeted from America – the 999 call was routed through a US proxy number.

One challenge to creating a law on doxxing is that the sharing of personal information without permission has already become so widespread in the digital age. “If a law was to state something like, ‘You must not post personal information about another person online without their consent,’ it wouldn’t reflect how people use the internet,” Lee said. “People post information about what their friends and family members have been doing all the time without their consent.

“Such a law could have a potentially detrimental effect on freedom of speech.”

Lee believes that a specific law is unnecessary, because its potentially harmful effects are already covered by three discrete pieces of legislation dealing with instances where a person’s private information is obtained illegally, when that information is used to carry out illegal acts and when the publication of the information is accompanied by a threat to incite hatred. However, this does not adequately account for cases in which the information is obtained legally, and then used to harass the individual in a more legally ambiguous manner, either with prank phone calls or with uninvited orders of pizza.

Susan Basko, an independent lawyer who practises in California and who has been doxxed in the course of her frequent clashes with internet trolls, believes that the onus should be on the law, rather than the public. She points out that in the US it is a crime to publicise information about a government employee such as their home address, their home and cellphone numbers, or their social security number, even if the information is already online. “This law should apply to protect all people, not just federal employees,” she said. “And websites, website-hosting companies and other ISPs should be required to uphold this law.”

Basko said that doxxing will continue to increase while police have inadequate resources to follow up cases. For now, it is up to individuals to take preventative measures. Zoë Quinn, an American game designer and public speaker who was doxxed in 2014, has launched Crash Override, a support network and assistance group for targets of online harassment, “composed entirely of experienced survivors”.

Quinn, who spoke about the problem at a congressional hearing in Washington, DC in April last year, recently posted a guide on how to reduce the likelihood of being doxxed. “If you are worried you might some day be targeted,” she wrote, “consider taking an evening to stalk yourself online, deleting and opting out of anything you’re not comfortable with.”

Both Scott and Roberts have changed their privacy habits following the attacks. Scott is more careful about interacting with strangers online, while Roberts uses scrambler software, which ensures that she never uses the same password for more than one online site or service.

For both women’s families, the effects of their encounters with armed police have also lingered. When one day recently Roberts’s husband returned home early from work, the au pair called the police, believing it was an intruder. And Scott is haunted by what happened.

“What if my husband had made a sudden move or resisted in some way? What if my eldest had grabbed the gun instead of gently reaching for it? What if people locally believed that my husband did actually have guns in the house?” she asks. “I don’t think the people making these sorts of hoax calls realise the impact.” 

This article first appeared in the 28 April 2016 issue of the New Statesman, The new fascism