Workers can't pay the costs of zero-hour contracts

It's naive to pretend there are no benefits, but too often only the employers get them.

There are two opposing positions on zero-hours contracts. For some, these contracts represent the unacceptable face of a flexible labour market. By offering work only when the employers needs them, they are a new form of exploitation, taking advantage of workers in a difficult labour market. Yet for others, zero hours contracts are a necessary part of the economy, providing flexibility for workers to balance work with study, caring or their home life.

Labour are in the former category, with Andy Burnham suggesting they should be banned. Many recruiters are in the latter, arguing that without zero hours contracts, unemployment would be much higher. We are yet to see what Vince Cable – who today announced a review of these contracts – thinks, and there is still discussion about the extent to which they are a problem (The Work Foundation is holding an event on this topic in July).

But what is striking about the zero hours debate is how little we know about them. We do know that they are a small part of the labour market – but one which is growing and spreading. In 2007, around 130,000 people were employed on them. This has risen to 200,000 according to the latest figures. This figure is small (less than 1 per cent of the labour market) but probably an underestimate (many do not realise they are on zero-hours contracts). We also know that zero hours contracts are more prevalent in sectors like hospitality and care, but that they are potentially spreading into middle-class professions such as university teaching.

The rest of the evidence is anecdotal. While zero hours contracts can be practical for students looking for some cash on the side, they can be extremely difficult for workers reliant on an erratic income. This uncertainty has other consequences, with anecdotal evidence that they lead to some “sharp” employment practices. For example, without fixed hours, workers are less likely to speak up for their rights or join a union. A lack of training and a "casual labour" attitude can restrict progression, leaving people stuck in dead-end jobs.

And there is one important question we are yet to find an answer to: whether the recent rise in zero-hours contracts is a short-term effect of the recession, or a long-term change in the labour market.

So zero-hours contracts are a mixed bag. But what can Vince do about it? Given that these contracts are important for so many people, banning them seems draconian. So measures are probably needed in two areas. First, we need to intensify efforts to ensure that employers who abuse these contracts don’t get away with it. Yet, given our poor record on enforcing the minimum wage, it is hard to be confident that this will happen.

Second, efforts are needed to provide support for people on the sharp end of zero hours contracts. New tax credits to help them achieve a reasonable income are an important potential solution. And the design of the (increasingly) long-awaited Universal Credit will also be important.

The UK has – relative to most countries – an extremely flexible labour market. For the most part, this is a good thing, keeping employment relatively high. But it does come with costs, and we haven’t always been good at managing these. Zero hours contracts are the latest such labour market problem, with both costs and benefits. The challenge for Vince is to keep the benefits, but make sure workers don’t pay the cost.

Photograph: Getty Images

Neil is the Senior Economist at The Work Foundation

 

Ukip's Nigel Farage and Paul Nuttall. Photo: Getty
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Is the general election 2017 the end of Ukip?

Ukip led the way to Brexit, but now the party is on less than 10 per cent in the polls. 

Ukip could be finished. Ukip has only ever had two MPs, but it held an outside influence on politics: without it, we’d probably never have had the EU referendum. But Brexit has turned Ukip into a single-issue party without an issue. Ukip’s sole remaining MP, Douglas Carswell, left the party in March 2017, and told Sky News’ Adam Boulton that there was “no point” to the party anymore. 

Not everyone in Ukip has given up, though: Nigel Farage told Peston on Sunday that Ukip “will survive”, and current leader Paul Nuttall will be contesting a seat this year. But Ukip is standing in fewer constituencies than last time thanks to a shortage of both money and people. Who benefits if Ukip is finished? It’s likely to be the Tories. 

Is Ukip finished? 

What are Ukip's poll ratings?

Ukip’s poll ratings peaked in June 2016 at 16 per cent. Since the leave campaign’s success, that has steadily declined so that Ukip is going into the 2017 general election on 4 per cent, according to the latest polls. If the polls can be trusted, that’s a serious collapse.

Can Ukip get anymore MPs?

In the 2015 general election Ukip contested nearly every seat and got 13 per cent of the vote, making it the third biggest party (although is only returned one MP). Now Ukip is reportedly struggling to find candidates and could stand in as few as 100 seats. Ukip leader Paul Nuttall will stand in Boston and Skegness, but both ex-leader Nigel Farage and donor Arron Banks have ruled themselves out of running this time.

How many members does Ukip have?

Ukip’s membership declined from 45,994 at the 2015 general election to 39,000 in 2016. That’s a worrying sign for any political party, which relies on grassroots memberships to put in the campaigning legwork.

What does Ukip's decline mean for Labour and the Conservatives? 

The rise of Ukip took votes from both the Conservatives and Labour, with a nationalist message that appealed to disaffected voters from both right and left. But the decline of Ukip only seems to be helping the Conservatives. Stephen Bush has written about how in Wales voting Ukip seems to have been a gateway drug for traditional Labour voters who are now backing the mainstream right; so the voters Ukip took from the Conservatives are reverting to the Conservatives, and the ones they took from Labour are transferring to the Conservatives too.

Ukip might be finished as an electoral force, but its influence on the rest of British politics will be felt for many years yet. 

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