BSkyB's record results mask some serious issues

Problems with rivals.

At first glance, BSkyB’s annual results merit a tick in every important box. Its key metrics all moved upwards: cross-sell rate, total customer numbers, revenue and profit all showed strong growth.

In particular, BSkyB is focused on boosting its average annual revenue per customer: that metric rose by over 5 percent or £29 to £577 compared with last year. It is a sobering stat. The average Sky customer is now paying £48 per month. It is all a far cry from the early days of satellite television.

The writer is old enough and sufficiently nostalgic to recall signing up to the short-lived Sky rival, British Satellite Broadcasting at the princely rate of £10 per month. Circa 1990 – give or take. It also came complete with a relatively natty squarial dish.

Release of Sky’s results also serves as an annual reminder – at least for some of us – of just what good value the BBC offers at a fraction of the cost:  a snip at £145 per year. Back at Sky, revenues rose 7 percent year-on-year to £7.2bn; pre-tax profits rose by almost 6 per cent to £1.26bn.Customer numbers inched up a tad (by around only 34,000) to 10.4m, perhaps suggesting that the market may be nearing saturation. Sky’s response is to ramp up its efforts to grow its Now TV offering, launched as a direct rival to Netflix and Amazon’s LoveFilm.

Sky said that more than 50,000 customers have used its £9.99 per day sports ‘day pass’ on Now TV, aimed at non-Sky subscribers. Sky is also launching a Now TV set-top box for £9.99, targeted at non-Sky subscribers, enabling them to connect their TV to the internet.

Future targets for Sky include boosting its numbers of customers – currently around 35 percent - who opt to take the full bundled service of television, telephone and broadband. Officially, Sky is relaxed about the growing threat posed by rival BT.

If you believe that, you will believe anything.

A marketing war of sorts has blown up between BT and Sky. BT has spent a reported £1bn to buy sports rights for its TV service and is offering them for free to its broadband customers from August. BSkyB in turn is to offer free broadband to subscribers to its sports channels. If you believe BT and Sky’s PR teams, this means that customers are the winners.

If there is a winner out there it is the English Premier League and other sports rights holders. The cost to broadcasters of valuable sports rights continues to soar. In the markets, BT is outscoring Sky, with Sky shares down this morning by 3.5 percent to 820p; they are down almost 10 percent from a year-high of 905p.

By contrast, BT shares rose by 0.5 percent this morning to 336p and have soared by 44 percent since the turn of the year.

Two last points on Sky’s future plans. It said that it will add more channels - including 20 new channels to its catchup TV service. Just what we all need. Yet more channels. On a positive note, at a recent Digital Banking Club debate I chaired, the star-turn was a presentation from Steph Coleman, director of customer journeys for BSkyB. Coleman is on a mission, backed up with serious investment, to make Sky’s customer service experience the best in the country. Her presentation was mighty impressive; I would back her to get results.

Photograph: Getty Images

Douglas Blakey is the editor of Retail Banker International

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Labour must reclaim English patriotism if we are to beat Ukip and the Tories

We can't talk about the future of our country unless we can discuss the past. 

I was a parliamentary candidate for Thurrock, but the place which I currently call home is Hackney, London. This distinction is worth explaining. The questions of Labour and Englishness – what exactly is the English problem that we’re trying to solve, why do we need a progressive patriotism, does it already exist, if not why not and if we had one what would it look like? – are, above all, questions of identity and place. We need to build a patriotism that includes and resonates with residents of both Hackney and Thurrock. Currently they are very far apart. 

I’m the little girl who sat on her dad’s shoulders to wave a flag at Princess Anne’s first wedding. And I was also, like Sadiq Khan, waving a flag at the Silver Jubilee in 1977. I’m an ex-Catholic, I’m a Londoner, I’m English and I’m a woman, and all of those identities are important although not necessarily equally so and not necessarily all of the time.

But I’m also a member of the Labour party, not only as a candidate, but now as an activist in Hackney. And that is where I see the difference very strongly between Hackney and what I experienced in Thurrock. 

Thurrock was Ukip ground zero last year - 12,000 people voted for Ukip in a general election for the first time, on top of the 3,500 that had voted for them before in 2010. Most of those 12,000 people had either not voted before, or had voted Labour. 

This isn’t just about being in two different places. Sometimes it feels like more than being in two different countries, or even like being on two different planets. The reality is that large swathes of Labour’s members and supporters don’t identify as patriotic, fundamentally because patriotism has been seized and colonised by the right. We need to understand that, by allowing them to seize it, we are losing an opportunity to be able to reclaim our past. 

We do not have any legitimacy to talk about the future of our country unless we can talk about our past in a better way. We have tried but our efforts have been half-hearted. Take Ed Miliband's call for One Nation Labour, which ended up amounting to a washed-out Union Jack as a visual for our brand. It could have been so much better – an opportunity for an intellectual rebranding and a seizure of Conservative territory for our own ends. Ultimately One Nation Labour was a slogan and not a project. 

There is a section of the left which has a distinct discomfort with the idea of pride in country. It has swallowed the right-wing myth that England’s successes have all been Conservative ones. This is a lie, but one that has spread very effectively. The left’s willingness to swallow it means that we are still living in a Thatcherite paradigm. It is no wonder progressives revolt at the idea of patriotism, when the right’s ideas of duty and authority quash our ideas of ambitions for equality, opportunity for all and challenging injustice. But we risk denying our successes by allowing the right to define Englishness. It’s England that helped establish the principle of the right to vote, the rule of law, equal suffrage, and the fight against racism. 

If Englishness is going to mean anything in modern England, it needs to be as important for those who feel that perhaps they aren’t English as it is for those who feel that they definitely are. And a place must be reserved for those who, though technically English, don’t see their own story within the Conservative myth of Englishness. 

Although this reclaiming is electorally essential, it is not an electoral gimmick. It is fundamental to who we are. Even if we didn’t need it to win, I would be arguing for it.

We need to make sure that progressive patriotism reclaims the visual language that the Conservatives use to dress up their regressive patriotism. Women need to be as much in the pantheon of the radicals as part of the visual identity of Englishness. Women tend to either be there by birth or by marriage, or we are abstract manifestations of ideals like "justice" or "truth" – as seen on city halls and civic buildings across the country. But English women need to be real, rather than just ideal. Englishness does need to be focused on place and connection, and it should include Mary Wollstonecraft and Sylvia Pankhurst as well as Wat Tyler and Thomas Paine. 

We can’t pretend that we’re always right. The most patriotic thing you can do is to admit sometimes that you’re wrong, so that your country can be better. I love my country, for all its faults. But I do not live with them. I try to make my country better. That is progressive patriotism. And I know all of us who want to be part of this can be part of it. 

This article is based on Polly’s contribution to Who Speaks to England? Labour’s English challenge, a new book published today by the Fabian Society and the Centre for English Identity and Politics at the University of Winchester.