The BBC is still the most trusted media organisation

But trust in the corporation has nearly halved since 2003.

The latest YouGov poll on trust in major institutions gives the BBC cause for both optimism and pessimism. The good news for the corporation is that its news journalists are still more trusted than those of any other organisation. While 44 per cent of the public trust BBC journalists to "tell the truth", just 18 per cent say the same of journalists on mid-market newspapers and 10 per cent the same of journalists on tabloid newspapers (those titles that have so gleefully attacked the BBC in the last week).

Against this, however, must be weighed the fact that trust in the BBC has declined significantly since 2003. Before the Hutton Report, trust in the corporation stood at 81 per cent. It has since fallen by 37 points and by 13 points in the last fortnight (although some of the latter fall may prove temporary). For the first time since YouGov began tracking public trust in British institutions, more people distrust BBC journalists (47 per cent) than trust them (44 per cent).

Yet as the table below shows, there is no institution that has not experienced a decline in trust over the last five years. The Conservatives have seen the smallest fall in trust since 2003 (from 21 per cent to 20 per cent), although they are down by 10 points since reaching a peak of 29 per cent in August 2010. Also notable is the large, if unsurprising, decline in trust in the Liberal Democrats. Trust in the party's leading politicians has fallen by 20 points since the pre-coalition days of 2003. On this issue, the media and the politicians are all in it together.

An employee walks inside BBC headquarters at New Broadcasting House. Photograph: Getty Images.

George Eaton is political editor of the New Statesman.

Photo: Getty
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Theresa May is paying the price for mismanaging Boris Johnson

The Foreign Secretary's bruised ego may end up destroying Theresa May. 

And to think that Theresa May scheduled her big speech for this Friday to make sure that Conservative party conference wouldn’t be dominated by the matter of Brexit. Now, thanks to Boris Johnson, it won’t just be her conference, but Labour’s, which is overshadowed by Brexit in general and Tory in-fighting in particular. (One imagines that the Labour leadership will find a way to cope somehow.)

May is paying the price for mismanaging Johnson during her period of political hegemony after she became leader. After he was betrayed by Michael Gove and lacking any particular faction in the parliamentary party, she brought him back from the brink of political death by making him Foreign Secretary, but also used her strength and his weakness to shrink his empire.

The Foreign Office had its responsibility for negotiating Brexit hived off to the newly-created Department for Exiting the European Union (Dexeu) and for navigating post-Brexit trade deals to the Department of International Trade. Johnson was given control of one of the great offices of state, but with no responsibility at all for the greatest foreign policy challenge since the Second World War.

Adding to his discomfort, the new Foreign Secretary was regularly the subject of jokes from the Prime Minister and cabinet colleagues. May likened him to a dog that had to be put down. Philip Hammond quipped about him during his joke-fuelled 2017 Budget. All of which gave Johnson’s allies the impression that Johnson-hunting was a licensed sport as far as Downing Street was concerned. He was then shut out of the election campaign and has continued to be a marginalised figure even as the disappointing election result forced May to involve the wider cabinet in policymaking.

His sense of exclusion from the discussions around May’s Florence speech only added to his sense of isolation. May forgot that if you aren’t going to kill, don’t wound: now, thanks to her lost majority, she can’t afford to put any of the Brexiteers out in the cold, and Johnson is once again where he wants to be: centre-stage. 

Stephen Bush is special correspondent at the New Statesman. His daily briefing, Morning Call, provides a quick and essential guide to domestic and global politics.