Politics 18 May 2012 Exploding the myth of the feckless, lazy Greeks Stereotypes and untruths are everywhere, but this economic crisis is not self-inflicted. Print HTML Maria was born in Paros in 1942. The country was under Nazi occupation. She experienced real fear, real poverty, starvation, bomb raids and executions. She survived the war and went to a Catholic girls’ school. Maria was good at sport and an excellent singer. She left school top of her class, got married, started working for the Archaeological Museum in Mykonos, from where she retired 44 years later at the age of 64 – one year before she was officially supposed to – in order to look after her husband who was dying of pancreatic cancer. Maria worked two jobs most of her life – times were often hard. She was on PAYE all her life. She contributed to her pension and saved. She raised three children. She sat at her sewing machine many an evening, altering her skirts; so that they wouldn’t look so 50s in the 60s; so that they wouldn’t look so 60s in the 70s. There are millions like her. She is a typical lazy, feckless Greek woman. --- Here is the first myth: This crisis is made in Greece. It is not. It is the inevitable fallout of the global crisis which started in 2008. Are there features in the Greek economy which made it particularly vulnerable? Yes – there is rampant corruption, bad management, systemic problems, a black market. All this has been explored ad nauseam. There are other factors, too; rarely mentioned. The crisis came at particularly bad time for Greece – four years after this tiny economy overextended in order to put on a giant Olympics and prove to the world it had “arrived”. When the crisis came, the country lacked the monetary and fiscal mechanisms to deal with it, because of its membership of the single currency. However, all of the above are contributing factors – nothing more or less. The catalyst was the behaviour of the financial sector after the crisis. Here is what Angela Merkel had to say in February 2010, when the “Greek problem” started to rear its head, as reported by Bloomberg: German Chancellor Angela Merkel criticized market speculation against the euro, saying that financial institutions bailed out with public funds are exploiting the budget crisis in Greece and elsewhere. In a speech in Hamburg, she hit out at currency speculators, who she said are taking advantage of debt piled up by euro-area governments to combat the financial crisis. “The debt that had to be accumulated, when it was going badly, is now becoming the object of speculation by precisely those institutions that we saved a year-and-a-half ago. That’s very difficult to explain to people in a democracy who should trust us.” And since it was difficult to explain, it appears, she gave up trying. The crisis is a financial one. It is not. It is a political crisis and an ideological one. The difficulties of an economy the size of Greece (1.8 percent of eurozone GDP, 0.47 per cent of World GDP according to 2010 IMF figures) should hardly register as a blip on the global radar. The primary reason for the widespread panic is the interconnectedness of the banking sector – the very same systemic weakness which caused the domino effect in 2008 and which the world has collectively failed to address or regulate. The secondary reason is the eurozone’s refusal to allow Greece to proceed with what most commentators have seen as an inevitable default for many months now. Both these factors are down to political decisions, not sound fiscal policy. Greeks are lazy. This underlies much of what is said about the crisis, the implication presumably being that our lax Mediterranean work-ethic is at the heart of our self-inflicted downfall. And yet, OECD data show that in 2008, Greeks worked on average 2120 hours a year. That is 690 hours more than the average German and 467 more than the average Brit. Only Koreans work longer hours. The paid leave entitlement in Greece is on average 23 days, lower than the UK’s minimum 28 and Germany’s whopping 30. Greeks retire early. The figure of 53 years old as an average retirement age is being bandied about. So much so, that it is has become folk-fact. It originates from a lazy comment on the New York Times website. It was then repeated by Fox News and printed in other publications. Greek civil servants have the option to retire after 17.5 years of service, but this is on half benefits. The figure of 53 is a misinformed conflation of the number of people who choose to do this (in most cases to go on to different careers) and those who stay in public service until their full entitlement becomes available. Looking at Eurostat’s data from 2005 the average age of exit from the labour force in Greece (indicated in the graph below as EL for Ellas) was 61.7; higher than Germany, France or Italy and higher than the EU27 average. Since then Greece have had to raise the minimum age of retirement twice under bail-out conditions and so this figure is likely to rise further. Greeks want the bail-out but not the austerity that goes with it. This is a fundamental untruth. Greeks are protesting because they do not want the bail-out at all (or the foreign intrusion that goes with it). They have already accepted cuts which would be unfathomable in the UK. There is nothing left to cut. The corrupt, the crooks, the wicked, our glorious leaders, have already transferred their wealth to Luxembourg banks. They will not suffer. Meanwhile Medecins du Monde are handing out food packages in central Athens. Greece’s total annual deficit is €53bn Euros. Of that, our primary budget deficit is, in fact, under €5bn. The other €48bn is servicing the debt, including that of the two bail-outs, with one third being purely interest. Europe is not bailing out Greece. It is bailing out the European banks which increasingly unwisely gave her loans. Greece is asked to accept full responsibility as a bad borrower, but nobody is examining the contribution of the reckless lenders. Western politicians have developed a penchant for standing on balconies and washing their hands like Pontius Pilate; lecturing from a great height about houses on fire with no exits. This conveniently draws a veil over the truth – that our house may have been badly built, but it was the arsonists of Wall Street and the Square Mile that poured petrol through our letterbox and started this fire. Nassim Nicholas Taleb is the Lebanese-American philosopher who formulated the theory of “Black Swan Events” – unpredictable, unforeseen occurrences which have a huge impact and can only be explained afterwards. Last year he was asked by Jeremy Paxman whether people taking to the streets in Athens was a Black Swan Event. He replied: “The real Black Swan Event is that people are not rioting against the banks in London and New York.” --- Maria has never dodged a tax in her life. She doesn’t drive a Porsche or own a yacht. She hasn’t voted in ten years – “they’re all the same”, she says, “liars and crooks”. Her pension has been cut to €440 Euros a month. Her benefits have not been paid in almost a year. She faces the same rampant inflation that we do. She is exhausted, but not defeated. Maria grows as much fruit and vegetable as she can in her small “pervoli”. She keeps chickens so that her grandchildren can have the freshest eggs. She still sings beautifully. She battles daily with Alzheimer’s, looks at pictures of her late husband and smiles, sits at her sewing machine, still, and modifies the same old skirts. There are millions like her. She is a typical strong, defiant Greek woman, my mother. › This is what "savage austerity" looks like Riot police clash with demonstrators during a protest outside the Greek parliament in Athens, October 2011. Photograph: Getty Images Greek-born, Alex Andreou has a background in law and economics. He runs the Sturdy Beggars Theatre Company and blogs here You can find him on twitter @sturdyalex More Related articles Why Obama should pardon Chelsea Manning Will Donald Trump let Russia's "Fancy Bear" hackers slip out of sight? The harsh realities of the Syrian conflict are laid bare in Aleppo and Palmyra Subscription offer 12 issues for £12 + FREE book LEARN MORE Close This week’s magazine
Show Hide image Feminism 16 December 2016 Can we end violence against sex workers? When deaths occur in industries other than prostitution, the usual response is to ask how working conditions can be made more secure, not whether the industry should be scrapped. Print HTML This Saturday, 17 December is International Day to End Violence Against Sex Workers. This year, across the globe over 60 cities worldwide will hold events to mark the occasion and to remember the 151 sex workers who have been killed this year. Two were women working in the UK. Jessica McGraa, 37, a mother of one from London, was murdered in Aberdeen in February. In the press, her death was marked with lurid headlines about her “double life” as a sex worker. Daria Pinoko, 21, was killed last December in Leeds in a managed prostitution zone. Being an outdoor worker, she had no online presence to pore over, but her death was reported with an air of tragic inevitability. Jessica and Daria’s deaths were not an intrinsic part of the cash-for-sex transaction, though. No one “dies of prostitution” any more than they do from domestic partnerships. That women are killed in prostitution, as in relationships – the sphere in which women are most in danger of male violence – is the result of specific conditions: misogyny, poverty, racism, stigma. To claim that sex work is intrinsically violent is to let men off the hook. The dangers and horrors of sex work absolutely exist and many of those in the industry have experienced them first-hand. The Home Office-founded charity, National Ugly Mugs, which issues safety alerts to thousands of sex workers across the UK, received reports of 446 incidents this year (48 rapes, 11 attempted rapes, 31 cases of sexual violence, 181 violent attacks). And yet, a wide-ranging survey carried out in February as part of the Home Affairs Select Committee inquiry into prostitution showed that 96% of those sex workers surveyed were in favour of full decriminalisation. When deaths occur in other industries (there were 27 in agriculture this year, 43 in construction). The usual response is to ask how working conditions can be made more secure, not whether the industry should be scrapped. Of course men don’t need to buy sex, but nor does London need more luxury flats. These arguments should have no impact on the right of workers to be protected. Likewise, prostitution is hardly the only industry to reflect and, quite possibly, prop up gender, race and class inequality. What makes conversation around prostitution unique is the questioning of whether sex work is a legitimate form of labour. “We consent to have sex because we’re paid,” say the sex workers. “Money negates consent,” they’re told. But what is it about sex that sets it apart from the other human interactions we’ve commercialised? Do we really see sex as so special, as so central a part of pure and scared womanhood, that to sell it is to sell “yourself”? We’re still debating what to do with prostitutes, despite prostitutes telling us loudly what they want, despite the findings of the Home Affairs Select Committee inquiry which suggested that criminal penalties against sex workers be immediately lifted, despite recommendations from the National Police Chiefs’ Council (NPCC) that enforcement against sex workers is counterproductive, despite calls for decriminalisation from Amnesty International, World Health Organization, UNAIDS, International Labour Organization, the Global Alliance Against Trafficking in Women, Human Rights Watch and Anti-Slavery International. At present in the UK, apart from Northern Ireland, it’s legal to sell sex, although other related activities such as soliciting in a public place, kerb crawling, owning or managing a brothel, are illegal. Contrary to the NPCC recommendations, which suggest police forces in England and Wales move away from enforcing laws that criminalise the sale of sex, sex workers are frequently targeted, fined, charged and deported. In Northern Ireland, the so-called Nordic Model was implemented in 2014, meaning it’s illegal to pay for sex. The “debate” – if something with so imbalanced an evidence-base merits the term – hinges on whether this model should be rolled out across the UK. Over the course of this weekend we will hear arguments from abolitionists in favour of End Demand (aka the Nordic Model or the Sex buyers Law), and we’ll hear claims that no sex worker has died under this form of legislation. It’s not true. In 2015, Galina Sandeva, a 28 year old Bulgarian woman sex worker was murdered in Oslo. In 2013, Swedish sex worker Petite Jasmine was killed by a violent ex-partner who at one point the Swedish courts had granted custody of her children. The judge had told her she “didn’t realise sex work was a form of self-harm”. In the US, where International Day to End Violence Against Sex Workers was born, sex work is fully criminalised in most states. Buying sex is illegal. Has this stopped sex workers dying? No. This year, 51 sex workers (including 15 trans women) were murdered. In Norway, sex workers have been targeted in the dystopian “Operation Homeless”, reported rapes ignored and women deported after going to the police for help. Human trafficking cases in Norway are soaring. Meanwhile, the country’s low conviction rates and inadequate support for rape survivors has been recently called out by Amnesty. Perhaps the Nordic Model of feminism has been a successful PR exercise above anything else. Still, the debate rages on, skewed out of proportion by the fact that current sex workers are largely excluded (see the Women’s Equality Party, End Demand, Nordic Model Now, Feminism in London, the credibility lent to Kat Banyard – whose book on the industry included not one interview with a sex worker – during the prostitution inquiry). Last week’s open letter to the Home Secretary, penned by Nordic Model Now, was a case in point, signed not by the promised list of credible human rights charities but by groups like the Campaign Against Sex Robots. Compare this with the 601 weighty signatories on an open letter in support of Amnesty International’s call for decriminalisation. It would be funny if it wasn’t so grim. Abolitionists have failed to acknowledge the utter mundanity of most sex work. There are an estimated 70,000 sex workers in the UK. If the “unrepresentative” activists among them are sexual libertines raking in wads of cash for work they unequivocally love, I’ve yet to meet them (beware the gap between marketing and reality). For most, it’s a fairly uneventful job which can be scary but is more likely to be tedious or worryingly financially unpredictable. Amber Rudd has called for more research into prostitution in the UK and legislative change could be on the cards. No single piece of legislation will make everything perfect – the most vulnerable will still need accessible social services, housing, childcare, food, healthcare, open borders, a safe place in society – but, on 17 December, we owe it to sex workers around the world to listen to their demands. Frankie Mullin is a freelance journalist More Related articles We should be kind to America's First Victim — Melania Trump There's no point celebrating women's power, until reality reflects it Secrets of the Sixties: London’s forgotten It girls who disappeared too soon