A split in the pro-independence camp?

If the Yes campaign is to be successful, the SNP cannot afford to alienate smaller parties like the

Readers in other parts of the UK may not be all that familiar with Patrick Harvie, co-convener of the Scottish Green Party (SGP). But north of the border, the Glasgow MSP has been a mainstay of the devolved political landscape for the best part of a decade, as well as one of its most consistently radical and provocative figures. So the significance of his latest intervention in the independence debate should not be underestimated.

Speaking to Holyrood magazine last week, Harvie hinted that he might be willing to abandon his traditional support for full Scottish self-government in favour of an enhanced devolutionary settlement: "(Independence) is not a point of principle for me", he said. "It's purely pragmatic...(and we) may want to refine the policy a bit - particularly if there's a third option (on the ballot paper)". This position was confirmed by an SGP spokesperson, who told the New Statesman that the Greens' constitutional stance was "not set in stone".

Despite the SGP's marginal status in Scottish politics - they have just two MSPs out of 129 - this could be an important development. The unionists' referendum strategy is to cast the SNP as a minority pressure group out of touch with mainstream, pro-devolution opinion. If effective, this will compound the suspicion that the nationalist surge is a temporary aberration at odds with Scots' fundamental desire to remain part of the United Kingdom. One way the SNP can avoid this is to form a united front with other, smaller independence-minded parties and organisations, of which the Greens are by far the most prominent. Failure to build such a coalition could just tip the balance of odds against a Yes vote in 2014.
 
But unionists shouldn't get excited quite yet. It's no secret that Harvie feels Alex Salmond is shutting non-SNP pro-independence voices out of the Yes campaign, so it's possible his comments were really a veiled bid for greater involvement. They may also be a reflection of the Greens growing antipathy towards the SNP as the party of devolved government. Over the last five years, the SGP has become more and more critical of the nationalists. Much of their hostility is a response to what they see as the SNP's tendency to side with the interests of big business over those of the environment, with the first minister's vocal support for Donald Trump's golf course development in Aberdeenshire and the construction of a second road bridge over the Firth of Forth being the main ca! ses in point.

Yet despite these policy disagreements and the general bad feeling between the two parties, it remains probable that the Greens will still campaign for outright independence over the next two and half years. One of the major prizes of full self-government would be the power to force the removal of the British nuclear deterrent from its current home on the Clyde - a longstanding ambition of the Scottish environmental lobby. This would not be possible under maximum devolution or federalism, both of which would see defence and foreign affairs remain under Westminster control.

The fact, though, that they are even threatening such a dramatic shift in position reveals just how strained the SNP's relations with other parties in Scotland are, including those with whom it should be on good terms. Given most polls show a majority of Scots continue to oppose the break-up of Britain, the nationalists simply can't afford to further alienate any of their would-be allies.

James Maxwell is a Scottish political journalist. He is based between Scotland and London.

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Commons confidential: The nuclear option

Hunt's six day week, Cameron's missing tweet and growing tensions within Labour.

It’s UN blue helmet time for the deputy leader Tom Watson as he struggles to keep the peace between Labour’s warring factions.

The burly veteran of the uprising that toppled Tony Blair is brokering an armed truce. His strategy, I’m told, is to persuade both sides to hold fire. Rebels remain in the bunker and Corbynistas are moving to change party rules. Either pulling a trigger would send the other nuclear.

Tensions between the Corbyn and McDonnell camps fuel rumours the veggie Jeremy may later step aside for carnivorous John. Watson, says my snout, believes Labour would be ungovernable if MPs locked the left out of any contest.

John Mann, caught glancing to check whether cameras were rolling ahead of his Brawl in the Hall with Red Ken, has posturing form. The Bassetlaw bruiser and his former colleague Denis MacShane earned blistering rebukes for “glib evidence” and “appearing supremely confident of the rightness of their positions” three years ago as witnesses at a failed employment tribunal that attempted to find “institutional anti-Semitism” in a University and College Union-backed Israel boycott.

The 45-page judgment noted: “When it came to anti-Semitism in the context of debate about the Middle East, [Mann] announced: ‘It’s clear to me where the line is . . .’ but unfortunately eschewed the opportunity to locate it for us. Both parliamentarians clearly enjoyed making speeches. Neither seemed at ease with the idea of being required to answer a question not to his liking.”

Gobby Mann and Shoot-From-the-Lip Livingstone were made for each other.

Many thanks to the reader with a long memory who reminded me this column noted in June 2009 how Jeremy Hunt was a six-day weeker, after his Surrey office informed Haslemere Rugby Club he didn’t work Sundays. Now he’s Health Secretary, screaming about a seven-day NHS in England, I’d be happy to update his availability should Hunt wish to get in touch. Emails and calls are answered all weekend.

Labour holds no monopoly on anti-Semitism. A former Labour MP recalled asking an esteemed Tory grandee, still an MP, over dinner whether Livingstone should have apologised for likening a Jewish reporter on the London Evening Standard to a concentration camp guard. “Oh no,” sneered the prominent Con, “the Hebs are getting above themselves.” The term “Hebs” is, apparently, posh for Hebrews. You learn something nasty every day.

Imagine the tweet the experts at No 10 could have prevented the football-crazy Cameron from sending: “As a keen Aston Ham fan I congratulate Leicester Town on winning the FA Cup.”

Kevin Maguire is the associate editor (politics) of the Daily Mirror

Kevin Maguire is Associate Editor (Politics) on the Daily Mirror and author of our Commons Confidential column on the high politics and low life in Westminster. An award-winning journalist, he is in frequent demand on television and radio and co-authored a book on great parliamentary scandals. He was formerly Chief Reporter on the Guardian and Labour Correspondent on the Daily Telegraph.

This article first appeared in the 06 April 2016 issue of the New Statesman, The longest hatred