Show Hide image Politics 19 December 2011 Richard Dawkins: The tyranny of the discontinuous mind The New Statesman guest editor's Christmas issue essay. Print HTML What percentage of the British population lives below the poverty line? When I call that a silly question, a question that doesn’t deserve an answer, I’m not being callous or unfeeling about poverty. I care very much if children starve or pensioners shiver with cold. My objection – and this is just one of many examples – is to the very idea of a line: a gratuitously manufactured discontinuity in a continuous reality. Who decides how poor is poor enough to qualify as below the ‘poverty line’? What is to stop us moving the line and thereby changing the score? Poverty/wealth is a continuously distributed quantity, which might be measured as, say, income per week. Why throw away most of the information by splitting a continuous variable into two discontinuous categories: above and below the ‘line’? How many of us lie below the stupidity line? How many runners exceed the fast line? How many Oxford undergraduates lie above the first class line? Yes, we in universities do it too. Examination performance, like most measures of human ability or achievement, is a continuous variable, whose frequency distribution is bell-shaped. Yet British universities insist on publishing a class list, in which a minority of students receive first class degrees, rather a lot obtain seconds (sometimes subdivided into upper and lower seconds), and a few get thirds. That might make sense if the distribution had three or four peaks with deep valleys in between, but it doesn’t. Anybody who has ever marked an exam knows that the bottom of one class is separated from the top of the class below by a small fraction of the distance that separates it from the top of its own class. This fact alone points to a deep unfairness in the system of discontinuous classification. Examiners go to great trouble to assign a score, perhaps out of 100, to each exam script. Scripts are double or even triple marked by different examiners, who may then argue the nuances of whether an answer deserves 55 or 52 marks. Marks are scrupulously added up, normalised, transformed, juggled and fought over. The final marks that emerge, and the rank orders of students, are as richly informative as conscientious examiners can achieve. But then what happens to all that richness of information? Most of it is thrown away, in reckless disregard for all the labour and nuanced deliberation and adjusting that went into the great addition sum. The students are bundled into three or four discrete classes, and that is all the information that penetrates outside the examiners’ room. Cambridge mathematicians, as one might expect, finesse the discontinuity and leak the rank order. It became informally known that Jacob Bronowski was the “Senior Wrangler” of his year, Bertrand Russell the Seventh Wrangler of his year and so on. At other universities, too, tutors’ testimonials may say things like, “Not only did she get a first: I can tell you in confidence that the examiners ranked her number 3 of her entire class of 106 in the university.” That is the kind of information that really counts in a letter of recommendation. And it is that very information that is wantonly thrown away in the officially published class list. Perhaps such wastage of information is inevitable: a necessary evil. I don’t want to make too much of it. What is more serious is that there are some educators – dare I say especially in non-scientific subjects – who fool themselves into believing that there is a kind of Platonic ideal called the ‘First Class Mind’ or ‘Alpha Mind’: a qualitatively distinct category, as distinct as female is from male, or sheep from goat. This is an extreme form of what I am calling the discontinuous mind. It can probably be traced to the ‘essentialism’ of Plato – one of the most pernicious ideas in all history. For legal purposes, say in deciding who can vote in elections, we need to draw a line between adult and non-adult. We may dispute the rival merits of eighteen versus twenty-one or sixteen, but everybody accepts that there has to be a line, and the line must be a birthday. Few would deny that some 15-year-olds are better qualified to vote than some 40-year-olds. But we recoil from the voting equivalent of a driving test, so we accept the age line as a necessary evil. But perhaps there are other examples where we should be less willing to do so. Are there cases where the tyranny of the discontinuous mind leads to real harm: cases where we should actively rebel against it? Yes. There are those who cannot distinguish a 16-cell embryo from a baby. They call abortion murder, and feel righteously justified in committing real murder against a doctor – a thinking, feeling, sentient adult, with a loving family to mourn him. The discontinuous mind is blind to intermediates. An embryo is either human or it isn’t. Everything is this or that, yes or no, black or white. But reality isn’t like that. For purposes of legal clarity, just as the eighteenth birthday is defined as the moment of getting the vote, it may be necessary to draw a line at some arbitrary moment in embryonic development after which abortion is prohibited. But personhood doesn’t spring into existence at any one moment: it matures gradually, and it goes on maturing through childhood and beyond. To the discontinuous mind, an entity either is a person or is not. The discontinuous mind cannot grasp the idea of half a person, or three quarters of a person. Some absolutists go right back to conception as the moment when the person comes into existence – the instant the soul is injected – so all abortion is murder by definition. The Catholic Doctrine of the Faith entitled Donum Vitae says: From the time that the ovum is fertilized, a new life is begun which is neither that of the father nor of the mother; it is rather the life of a new human being with his own growth. It would never be made human if it were not human already. To this perpetual evidence . . . modern genetic science brings valuable confirmation. It has demonstrated that, from the first instant, the program is fixed as to what this living being will be: a man, this individual-man with his characteristic aspects already well determined. Right from fertilization is begun the adventure of a human life . . . It is amusing to tease such absolutists by confronting them with a pair of identical twins (they split after fertilisation, of course) and asking which twin got the soul, which twin is the non-person: the zombie. A puerile taunt? Maybe. But it hits home because the belief that it destroys is puerile, and ignorant. “It would never be made human if it were not human already.” Really? Are you serious? Nothing can become something if it is not that something already? Is an acorn an oak tree? Is a hurricane the barely perceptible zephyr that seeds it? Would you apply your doctrine to evolution too? Do you suppose there was a moment in evolutionary history when a non-person gave birth to the first person? If a time machine could serve up to you your 200 million greats grandfather, you would eat him with sauce tartare and a slice of lemon. He was a fish. Yet you are connected to him by an unbroken line of intermediate ancestors, every one of whom belonged to the same species as its parents and its children. “I’ve danced with a man who’s danced with a girl, who’s danced with the Prince of Wales”, as the song goes. I could mate with a woman, who could mate with a man, who could mate with a woman who . . . after a sufficient number of steps into the past . . . could mate with ancestral fish, and produce fertile offspring. To invoke our time machine again, you probably could not mate with Australopithecus (at least not produce fertile offspring) but you are connected to Australopithecus by an unbroken chain of intermediates who could interbreed with their neighbours in the chain every step of the way. And the chain goes on backwards, unbroken, to that Devonian fish and beyond. On the way, about six million years into the past, we would encounter the ancestor we share with modern chimpanzees. It so happens that the intermediates, like the common ancestor itself, are all extinct. But for that (perhaps fortunate) fact, we would be connected to modern chimpanzees by an unbroken chain of intermarrying links. Not just intermarrying but interbreeding – producing fertile offspring. There would be no clear separation between Homo sapiens and Pan troglodytes. The only way to maintain our human-privileging laws and morals would be to set up courts to decide whether particular individuals could ‘pass for human’, like the ludicrous courts with which apartheid South Africa decided who could ‘pass for white’. And of course the argument extends to any pair of species you care to name. But for the extinction of the intermediates which connect humans to the ancestor we share with pigs (it pursued its shrew-like existence 85 million years ago in the shadow of the dinosaurs), and but for the extinction of the intermediates that connect the same ancestor to modern pigs, there would be no clear separation between Homo sapiens and Sus scrofa. You could breed with X who could breed with Y who could breed with ( . . . fill in several thousand intermediates . . .) who could produce fertile offspring by mating with a sow. Humans are clearly separable from chimpanzees and pigs and fish and lemons only because the intermediates that would otherwise link them in interbreeding chains happen to be extinct. This is not to deny that we are different from other species. We certainly are different and the differences are important – important enough to justify eating them (vegetables are our cousins too). But it is a reason for scepticism of any philosophy or theology (or morality or jurisprudence or politics) that treats humanness, or personhood, as some kind of essentialist absolute, which you either definitely have or definitely don’t have. If your theology tells you that humans should receive special respect and moral privilege as the only species that possesses a soul, you have to face up to the awkward question of when, in human evolution, the first ensouled baby was born. Was it when the first Homo sapiens baby was born to parents belonging to whatever species is considered to be our immediate predecessor (erectus, ergaster, heidelbergensis, rhodesiensis, no matter, the argument stands regardless)? There was no such baby! There never was a ‘first’ Homo sapiens. It is only the discontinuous mind that insists on drawing a hard and fast line between a species and the ancestral species that birthed it. Evolutionary change is gradual: there never was a line, never a line between any species and its evolutionary precursor. In a few cases the intermediates have failed to go extinct, and the discontinuous mind really is faced with the problem in stark reality. Herring gulls (Larus argentatus) and lesser black-backed gulls (Larus fuscus) breed in mixed colonies in Western Europe and don’t interbreed. This defines them as good, separate species. But if you travel in a westerly direction around the northern hemisphere and sample the gulls as you go, you find that the local gulls vary from the light grey of the herring gull, getting gradually darker as you progress around the north pole, until eventually, when you go all the way round to Western Europe again, they have darkened so far that they ‘become’ lesser black-backed gulls. What’s more, the neighbouring populations interbreed with each other all the way around the ring, even though the ends of the ring, the two species we see in Britain, don’t interbreed. Are they distinct species or not? Only those tyrannised by the discontinuous mind feel obliged to answer that question. If it were not for the accidental extinction of evolutionary intermediates, every species would be linked to every other by interbreeding chains. Where else do we see the tyranny of the discontinuous mind? Colin Powell and Barack Obama are described as black. They do have black ancestors, but they also have white ancestors, so why don’t we call them white? The complication in this case is the weird convention that the descriptor ‘black’ behaves as the cultural equivalent of a genetic dominant. Gregor Mendel, the father of genetics, crossed wrinkled and smooth peas and the offspring were all smooth: smoothness is ‘dominant’. When a white person breeds with a black person the child is of intermediate colour but is labelled ‘black’: the cultural label is transmitted down the generations like a dominant gene, and this persists even to cases where, say, only one out of eight great grandparents was black and it may not show in skin colour at all. It is the racist ‘contamination metaphor’ of the ‘touch of the tarbrush’. Our language is ill-equipped to deal with a continuum of intermediates. Just as people must lie below or above the poverty ‘line’, so we classify people as ‘black’ even if they are in fact intermediate. When an official form invites us to tick a ‘race’ or ‘ethnicity’ box I recommend crossing it out and writing ‘human’. In US presidential elections every state (except New Mexico) has to end up labelled either Democrat or Republican, no matter how evenly divided the voters in that state might be. Each state sends to the Electoral College a number of delegates which is proportional to the population of the state. So far so good. But the discontinuous mind insists that all the delegates from a given state have to vote the same way. This ‘winner take all’ system was shown up in all its fatuousness in the 2000 election when there was a dead heat in Florida. Al Gore and George Bush received the same number of votes as each other, the tiny, disputed difference being well within the margin of error. Florida sends 25 delegates to the Electoral College. The Supreme Court was asked to decide which candidate should receive all 25 votes (and therefore the presidency). Since it was a dead heat, it might have seemed reasonable to allot 13 votes to one candidate and 12 to the other. It would have made no difference whether Bush or Gore received the 13 votes: either way Gore would have been president. I am not saying the Supreme Court should actually have split the Florida delegates. They had to abide by the rules, no matter how idiotic. I would say that, given the lamentable constitutional rule that the 25 votes had to be bound together as a one-party block, natural justice should have led the court to allocate the 25 votes to the candidate who would have won the election if the Florida delegates had been divided pro rata, namely Gore. But that is not the point I am making here. My point here is that the winner-take-all idea of an electoral college in which each state has an indivisible block of members, either all Democrat or all Republican no matter how close the vote, is a shockingly undemocratic manifestation of the tyranny of the discontinuous mind. Why is it so hard to admit that there are intermediates, as New Mexico uniquely does? Most states are not ‘red’ or ‘blue’ but a complex mixture. Scientists are called upon by governments, by courts of law, and by the public at large, to give a definite, absolute, yes-or-no answer to important questions, for example questions of risk. Whether it’s a new medicine, a new weedkiller, a new power station or a new airliner, the scientific ‘expert’ is peremptorily asked: Is it safe? Answer the question! Yes or no? Vainly the scientist tries to explain that safety and risk are not absolutes. Some things are safer than others, and nothing is perfectly safe. There is a sliding scale of intermediates and probabilities, not hard-and-fast discontinuities between safe and unsafe. That is another story and I have run out of space. But I hope I have said enough to suggest that the summary demand for an absolute yes-or-no answer, so beloved of journalists, politicians and finger-wagging, hectoring lawyers, is yet another unreasonable expression of a kind of tyranny, the tyranny of the discontinuous mind. › Web Only: the best of the blogs More Related articles Can religion trump the climate change deniers? Meet the inter-faith environmentalists Tom Holland: Why I was wrong about Christianity France’s burkini ban could not come at a worse time Subscription offer 12 issues for £12 + FREE book LEARN MORE Close This week’s magazine
Show Hide image UK 19 October 2016 On the road in Batley and Spen: voters face a by-election they never wanted After Jo Cox MP was killed in her constituency, it faces a by-election – and far-right candidates are out in force. Print HTML It’s a by-election nobody wanted to happen. On Thursday, the West Yorkshire constituency of Batley and Spen will elect a new MP. Huddled in the foothills of the Pennines, this peaceful smattering of former textile towns and villages is known as “Sleepy Valley” because of its numerous bed manufacturers. But on 16 June 2016, it was shaken awake. Its Labour MP, Jo Cox, was shot and stabbed on her way to a constituency surgery. She is the first sitting British MP to be killed since 1990. Thomas Mair, 53, has been charged with murder and is due to go on trial in November. When he appeared in court a few days after the attack, he gave his name as “death to traitors, freedom for Britain”. Out of respect for Cox, the Conservatives, Liberal Democrats, Greens and Ukip decided not to stand candidates. The Coronation Street actor, Tracy Brabin, is standing for Labour. A local from a working-class family, Brabin became close to Cox while canvassing for her last year. Once, when they were out campaigning together, Cox urged Brabin to think about a career in politics. Her friend had no idea that she’d have to consider this suggestion so soon. Rather than letting the community heal, the absence of other mainstream political voices in the contest has left a vacuum filled by opportunists. A handful of far-right fringe candidates have jumped at the chance of publicity, and to mop up a few non-Labour votes. English Democrats, the BNP, Liberty GB and the National Front are all standing. There are a couple of local independents too – Garry Kitchin and Henry Mayhew – who feel an uncontested election would undermine democracy. Far-right and independent campaign literature in Batley and Spen. Batley and Spen has been a safe Labour seat since 1997, when it was won from the Tories. In 2015, Cox’s majority was 6,057, though Ukip came a strong third place behind the Tories, with 18 per cent of the vote. In other circumstances, the Conservatives would be working hard to take a seat like this. When I visit the area, many locals seem flummoxed or frustrated by the lack of mainstream parties here. Though all praise Jo Cox’s work, they are a reminder that the majority of people here didn’t vote Labour last time (43 per cent did). David Bentley, editor of the local paper The Press, says he has received more and more letters each week for the past three weeks bemoaning the lack of choice in the by-election. Linda Harrison, from Birstall, the village where Cox died, writes in this week’s issue of the paper: “It may have seemed the respectful thing to do at the time . . . but where’s the respect for the voters?” She concludes: “Birstall may not be included in the official constituency name, but our votes do count and we don’t forgive or forget easily.” In the newspaper’s picturesque office, a Victorian house of sandy-coloured rough brick, Bentley explains his readers’ concerns. “In the aftermath of Jo’s death, it’s a solid decision of the mainstream parties not to stand. But I think as it’s crept closer towards the by-election, some people have probably changed their minds a little bit,” he tells me. “They just wish there were more people to contest the seat who represent them, I suppose.” Angela, the 61-year-old owner of the Corner Café in Batley, sits across me at a table in her café – complete with a red-and-white gingham table cloth and a strong Yorkshire cup of tea. “It’s just the Labour party, and some smaller groups,” she reflects. “Not even the Conservatives are standing – I thought you’d have had Conservatives, at least one of the main parties. But it’s not happening,” she shrugs. Her café is next door to the Labour constituency office with its scarlet door and Jo Cox’s name still written across its front. Angela has offered the use of her café’s lounge for Brabin’s surgeries. “We’ll welcome a new person,” she says. “We’ve got to carry on.” There are concerns in the Labour party too that the lack of other mainstream parties could affect turnout, and make it more difficult for Brabin’s platform to be publicised. Most broadcasters haven’t interviewed her, for example, because they would then have to give airtime to her far-right opponents. “People might have to hold their nose and put the cross next to my name,” Brabin says. “But they’re doing it because it means so much more than just an ordinary by-election.” She meets me in a cosy café in the town of Cleckheaton. This in the heart of the Spen Valley – a semi-rural, whiter part of the constituency, compared with Batley town's high British Asian population. Walking in from the rain after a morning spent door-knocking, the actor is a blur of activity among the quietly lunching clientele. She has a broad, warm smile, and a bright red rosette on her lapel reads: “Let’s stand together”. In a smart lilac blazer, she looks unruffled for someone on a quick break from bombing around in the drizzle. Known best for her role as Tricia in Coronation Street, Brabin, 55, is a local through-and-through. She was born in nearby Mirfield, and grew up in a two-bed council flat in Howden Clough, an estate in Birstall. Her 85-year-old mother still lives there. When visiting home recently, Brabin bumped into a man she had known while growing up. “He said,” she thickens her Yorkshire accent, “I can’t bloody believe it – an MP from the Howden Clough estate, how did that happen?” She went to Heckmondwike Grammar – the same school Jo Cox attended – and was the first in her family to go to university, where she studied drama. Before getting a job selling white goods, her mother ran a café in Birstall for five years, Betty’s caf, which Brabin describes as “the heart of the community”. She used to go after school and eat ice cream from the freezer, while her grandmother, called “Little Gran” (she was four foot seven) did the washing up, nine to five, with no pay. “That’s the women I’m from,” beams Brabin. “Yorkshire women. They have a rod of steel. When life gets tough, they lean on each other and they support each other. We ate out of that cafe, fed the family as well – it was a big success.” That café, now called The Cobbles, is just around the corner from the place where Cox was killed on Market Street. It perches on the cobbled market place, which slopes down to Birstall Library, where Cox was heading when she was attacked. Flowerbeds of primroses and roses are neatly maintained outside the library. Birstall is known for its floral decorations – it often enters the Yorkshire in Bloom competition. Yet the last time this spot was covered in flowers was to mark a tragedy. “Let’s stand together on Thursday 20th October” say three identical placards tied to a lamppost. Brabin’s smile shines out of each of them. Birstall Library was where she used to study as a child. “It was my solace,” says Brabin. “A place where I’d go to study because we lived in a really tiny flat.” She and Cox campaigned together to keep the library open. Brabin’s mother was in the community centre below the library at a craft club on the day of Cox’s death. “My mum was in a siege,” recalls Brabin. “The police [had] locked all the old ladies in the craft club . . . So it’s all been intertwined.” *** Azzurro is a café set back from Market Street, next to the library. Its owner Hichem Ben Abdallah, who moved here from Tunisia in 1983, was serving customers on the day of Cox’s death. He is outraged by the other candidates campaigning. “They’ve got a cheek, to be quite honest,” he says. “The seat was taken by force from Labour – blood had to be shed for this by-election to happen.” Leaning over his counter of homemade cakes, he tells me: “The BNP show they don’t have morals. What kind of party has so little morals that when somebody’s killed they capitalise on that? They’re not going to win. They’re making a fool of themselves. There aren’t tensions here; it’s bonded together. There should not have been an election. The seat is won.” Brabin is saddened by the far-right brigade hijacking her by-election, but says they have no significance beyond publicity-hunting. “I don’t think they have an offer. I think what they’re trying to do is fuel anxieties about immigration, and people who feel cut off from society, or left out by globalisation,” she says. “But I don’t hear it on the doorstep.” There are concerns about immigration round here. Like most of Yorkshire and Humberside, a majority of voters here opted for Brexit. In the Kirklees Council district, which covers Batley and Spen, 55 per cent voted Leave. And Ukip shot to second, out of nowhere, in the general election last year. Batley town centre has a high concentration of British Asians and Asians – of Indian, Pakistani and Kashmiri origin. The villages surrounding it are whiter. There are eastern Europeans too, but a smaller proportion than in surrounding areas. “It’s sort of middle of the range, Batley, in terms of how demographically Ukippy it is,” says Rob Ford, a political science professor at the University of Manchester and author of Revolt on the Right, who has been studying the most Ukip-vulnerable Labour seats. “These are often very classic swing seats, more heterogeneous than the typical seat. You’ve got parts of it that are either more ethnic minority, or more middle-class and well-off. But then you’ve got other parts that are quite poor and deprived." He says this could lead to “decent pockets” turning to the populist right, and warns that these might turn to far-right parties in Ukip’s absence. “There could be a 10, 15 per cent, or even more, segment of the electorate there that’s hacked off, quite English nationalist, strongly anti-immigration, strongly Brexity,” he notes. “They may well go to the English Democrats.” He adds: “I don’t currently have a strong explanation for that kind of inward-looking, immigration-sceptic, English kind of identity – that kind of aggressive George Cross Englishness that we’re now seeing more of in our politics. There seems to be more of it in the kind of east, north-east half of the country than there is elsewhere.” Eric Kaufmann, professor of politics at Birkbeck, is also hesitant about reading too much into the constituency’s mix. “Where you get the most opposition to immigration is in places that have had a rapid ethnic shift,” he says. “I’m not sure from Batley and Spen that that’s the case. Because of age structure and internal demographics, you’ve probably got a growing Asian population there. “[But] it looks fairly middling on some indicators, like the share of the white British population that identifies itself as being ‘English’ rather ‘British’ – it’s 77 per cent. The average is 67 per cent.” The far-right has had a presence here in the past. Around ten years ago, there were a couple of BNP councillors elected to wards in Batley and Spen. And in the 2010 general election, the party received 7.1 per cent of the vote. It didn’t run last year. The neighbouring constituency Dewsbury is known for racial tensions, and has seen Britain First and EDL marches over the years. Like Batley, it has a mining history, and is a former mill town with a big Pakistani Muslim population, and surrounding whiter areas. It has also had BNP councillors. These parts are known as a “heavy woollen district”, because of a tradition in wool-dying and manufacturing cloth. That industrial base has vastly disappeared now, the mighty old textile mills peppering Batley repurposed for everything from auction houses to garden centres. “Traditional white working-class manufacturing jobs have disappeared almost entirely,” says David Bentley of The Press. “There are more low-skilled jobs being created.” It was once known for big brands like Johnston’s Paints and Fox’s Biscuits. The latter – an imposing concrete edifice – is a big employer and home of household favourites such as Party Rings and Rockys. Brabin worked there packing biscuits one summer on the production line when she was 18. “It’s a great community, it’s very female – top gossip,” she grins. “When I worked at Fox’s Biscuits, it did feel there was buoyancy commercially, and our big industry was manufacturing. And of course that industry is shrinking.” > Now read Anoosh and Stephen’s obituary of Jo Cox Anoosh Chakelian is deputy web editor at the New Statesman. More Related articles Theresa May says her people are the "just managing". But Brexit could hit them hardest Caught in the LA riots, holding a brand-new VCR, my wife tried to call a cab PMQs review: Theresa May called to account over child sex abuse inquiry