It's not just the eurozone that could push the UK back into recession

The NIESR predicts a 70% chance of recession if the eurozone crisis is not solved -- and a 50% chanc

Most of this morning's papers reported on the latest study from the National Institute of Economic and Social Research (NIESR). The figure they've chosen to lead on is that the UK has a 70 per cent chance of recession if policymakers fail to resolve the eurozone crisis. What gained less attention was the prediction that there is around a 50 per cent chance of a recession even if the crisis is successfully resolved.

Interestingly, the focus on the eurozone plays into the government's new emphasis on global factors in the UK's sluggish growth. When confronted with growth of just 0.5 per cent in the last 12 months at PMQs yesterday, Cameron responded that any growth was good amid the "global storm in the world economy". This is an important shift, given that in opposition Cameron slammed Gordon Brown for making the same argument, and that the coalition has repeatedly refused to acknowledge the role of the banking crash in creating the deficit, instead blaming Labour's spending.

The NIESR warned that the economy was in for the slowest recovery in 100 years, and that UK fiscal policy was "too tight" in the short-term. While the eurozone crisis is a concern, the fact that there is a 50 per cent chance of falling back into recession regardless shows that the problem is not just global, but that our leaders are not dealing with it in the right way. If global factors created the crisis, George Osborne's aggressive deficit reduction strategy has ensured we will not be the first out of it.

 

Samira Shackle is a freelance journalist, who tweets @samirashackle. She was formerly a staff writer for the New Statesman.

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The SNP thinks it knows how to kill hard Brexit

The Supreme Court ruled MPs must have a say in triggering Article 50. But the opposition must unite to succeed. 

For a few minutes on Tuesday morning, the crowd in the Supreme Court listened as the verdict was read out. Parliament must have the right to authorise the triggering of Article 50. The devolved nations would not get a veto. 

There was a moment of silence. And then the opponents of hard Brexit hit the phones. 

For the Scottish government, the pro-Remain members of the Welsh Assembly and Sinn Féin in Northern Ireland, the victory was bittersweet. 

The ruling prompted Scotland’s First Minister, Nicola Sturgeon, to ask: “Is it better that we take our future into our own hands?”

Ever the pragmatist, though, Sturgeon has simultaneously released her Westminster attack dogs. 

Within minutes of the ruling, the SNP had vowed to put forward 50 amendments (see what they did there) to UK government legislation before Article 50 is enacted. 

This includes the demand for a Brexit white paper – shared by MPs from all parties – to a clause designed to prevent the UK reverting to World Trade Organisation rules if a deal is not agreed. 

But with Labour planning to approve the triggering of Article 50, can the SNP cause havoc with the government’s plans, or will it simply be a chorus of disapproval in the rest of Parliament’s ear?

The SNP can expect some support. Individual SNP MPs have already successfully worked with Labour MPs on issues such as benefit cuts. Pro-Remain Labour backbenchers opposed to Article 50 will not rule out “holding hands with the devil to cross the bridge”, as one insider put it. The sole Green MP, Caroline Lucas, will consider backing SNP amendments she agrees with as well as tabling her own. 

But meanwhile, other opposition parties are seeking their own amendments. Jeremy Corbyn said Labour will seek amendments to stop the Conservatives turning the UK “into a bargain basement tax haven” and is demanding tariff-free access to the EU. 

Separately, the Liberal Democrats are seeking three main amendments – single market membership, rights for EU nationals and a referendum on the deal, which is a “red line”.

Meanwhile, pro-Remain Tory backbenchers are watching their leadership closely to decide how far to stray from the party line. 

But if the Article 50 ruling has woken Parliament up, the initial reaction has been chaotic rather than collaborative. Despite the Lib Dems’ position as the most UK-wide anti-Brexit voice, neither the SNP nor Labour managed to co-ordinate with them. 

Indeed, the Lib Dems look set to vote against Labour’s tariff-free amendment on the grounds it is not good enough, while expecting Labour to vote against their demand of membership of the single market. 

The question for all opposition parties is whether they can find enough amendments to agree on to force the government onto the defensive. Otherwise, this defeat for the government is hardly a defeat at all. 

 

Julia Rampen is the editor of The Staggers, The New Statesman's online rolling politics blog. She was previously deputy editor at Mirror Money Online and has worked as a financial journalist for several trade magazines.