PMQs review: Cameron turns Brown and Miliband turns red

Cameron is sounding ever more like Gordon Brown, while Miliband is turning left.

As the economy continues to struggle, David Cameron is sounding ever more like his predecessor. Asked by Ed Miliband at today's PMQs to respond to growth of just 0.5 per cent in the last 12 months, Cameron replied that any growth should be welcomed amid the "global storm in the world economy". The man who once mocked Gordon Brown for blaming "global conditions" for weak growth now steals his lines.

Miliband went on to ask his favourite question: does the Prime Minister know how many businesses have been helped by the [insert failing growth policy]? In the case of the Business Growth Fund, which has five offices and 50 staff, the answer was just two. From there, as Miliband raised the subject of FTSE 100 directors' pay, the exchanges descended into a noisy squabble over who had taxed the rich the most, over who had been meanest to the bankers.

Cameron pointed to the rise in capital gains tax, the new levy on non-domiciles and the tax deal agred with Switzerland. Miliband reminded him that it was the last Labour government that introduced the 50p tax rate, which the Tories want to abolish. His full-throated support for the top rate (the fourth highest in the world) will raise eyebrows in Westminster but never forget that, as poll after poll has confirmed, most voters favour it.

That wasn't the only moment when Ed sounded redder than he has for some time. For the first time, he echoed the language of the St Paul's protesters, accusing Cameron of always favouring the 1 per cent over "the 99 per cent". It was further evidence that the Labour leader believes the political spectrum is shifting leftwards. If he is right (as we must hope is), the political rewards could be great.

It was left to Alistair Darling to sound a sombre note and remind the House that the Greek crisis is entering its terrifying endgame. As he urged Cameron to persuade the G20 to produce more details on the alarmingly vague rescue package, events in Westminster suddenly felt a lot smaller.

George Eaton is political editor of the New Statesman.

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The SNP thinks it knows how to kill hard Brexit

The Supreme Court ruled MPs must have a say in triggering Article 50. But the opposition must unite to succeed. 

For a few minutes on Tuesday morning, the crowd in the Supreme Court listened as the verdict was read out. Parliament must have the right to authorise the triggering of Article 50. The devolved nations would not get a veto. 

There was a moment of silence. And then the opponents of hard Brexit hit the phones. 

For the Scottish government, the pro-Remain members of the Welsh Assembly and Sinn Féin in Northern Ireland, the victory was bittersweet. 

The ruling prompted Scotland’s First Minister, Nicola Sturgeon, to ask: “Is it better that we take our future into our own hands?”

Ever the pragmatist, though, Sturgeon has simultaneously released her Westminster attack dogs. 

Within minutes of the ruling, the SNP had vowed to put forward 50 amendments (see what they did there) to UK government legislation before Article 50 is enacted. 

This includes the demand for a Brexit white paper – shared by MPs from all parties – to a clause designed to prevent the UK reverting to World Trade Organisation rules if a deal is not agreed. 

But with Labour planning to approve the triggering of Article 50, can the SNP cause havoc with the government’s plans, or will it simply be a chorus of disapproval in the rest of Parliament’s ear?

The SNP can expect some support. Individual SNP MPs have already successfully worked with Labour MPs on issues such as benefit cuts. Pro-Remain Labour backbenchers opposed to Article 50 will not rule out “holding hands with the devil to cross the bridge”, as one insider put it. The sole Green MP, Caroline Lucas, will consider backing SNP amendments she agrees with as well as tabling her own. 

But meanwhile, other opposition parties are seeking their own amendments. Jeremy Corbyn said Labour will seek amendments to stop the Conservatives turning the UK “into a bargain basement tax haven” and is demanding tariff-free access to the EU. 

Separately, the Liberal Democrats are seeking three main amendments – single market membership, rights for EU nationals and a referendum on the deal, which is a “red line”.

Meanwhile, pro-Remain Tory backbenchers are watching their leadership closely to decide how far to stray from the party line. 

But if the Article 50 ruling has woken Parliament up, the initial reaction has been chaotic rather than collaborative. Despite the Lib Dems’ position as the most UK-wide anti-Brexit voice, neither the SNP nor Labour managed to co-ordinate with them. 

Indeed, the Lib Dems look set to vote against Labour’s tariff-free amendment on the grounds it is not good enough, while expecting Labour to vote against their demand of membership of the single market. 

The question for all opposition parties is whether they can find enough amendments to agree on to force the government onto the defensive. Otherwise, this defeat for the government is hardly a defeat at all. 

 

Julia Rampen is the editor of The Staggers, The New Statesman's online rolling politics blog. She was previously deputy editor at Mirror Money Online and has worked as a financial journalist for several trade magazines.