The rebels enter Gaddafi's base

Rebel fighters reported to have entered Gaddafi's house after storming his compound.

Events in Libya continue to develop at a rapid pace, with the rebels now reported to have entered Colonel Gaddafi's house after breaking into his military compound at Bab al Aziziya. A gold statue of Gaddafi has been toppled (you can see a screengrab of the rebels stamping on the statue's head here) and the rebels are climbing over his famous sculpture of a fist crushing a US fighter jet. Iconoclasm has rarely looked more satisfying.

The whereabouts of Gaddafi himself are still unknown, although he is thought to be inside the compound. Earlier this afternoon, the Russian chess federation chief Kirsan Ilyumzhinov, who visited Gaddafi in June, said he spoke to to the Libyan leader by phone today. He told Reuters that Gaddafi's eldest son Mohammad called him and "gave the phone to his father, who said that he is in Tripoli, he is alive and healthy and is prepared to fight to the end."

It's worth noting that Nato Colonel Roland Lavoie played down the importance of capturing Gaddafi at a press conference in Naples earlier today. He said:

If you know, let me know. I don't have a clue. I'm not sure it really does matter. The resolution of this situation will be political. Everyone recognises that Gaddafi will not be part of that solution. He's not a key player any more.

This contrasts with the stance taken by Mustafa Abdul Jalil, the head of the National Transitional Council, who has said "the real moment of victory is when Gaddafi is captured."

It's also important not to forget the danger to civilian life at this time. Amnesty International has issued a statement warning that prolonged fighting in Tripoli is "seriously endangering civilian lives and has the potential to create a humanitarian crisis." It is imperative that the allies, who intervened in Libya to save lives, do everything possible to minimise civlian casualties.

George Eaton is political editor of the New Statesman.

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Voters are turning against Brexit but the Lib Dems aren't benefiting

Labour's pro-Brexit stance is not preventing it from winning the support of Remainers. Will that change?

More than a year after the UK voted for Brexit, there has been little sign of buyer's remorse. The public, including around a third of Remainers, are largely of the view that the government should "get on with it".

But as real wages are squeezed (owing to the Brexit-linked inflationary spike) there are tentative signs that the mood is changing. In the event of a second referendum, an Opinium/Observer poll found, 47 per cent would vote Remain, compared to 44 per cent for Leave. Support for a repeat vote is also increasing. Forty one per cent of the public now favour a second referendum (with 48 per cent opposed), compared to 33 per cent last December. 

The Liberal Democrats have made halting Brexit their raison d'être. But as public opinion turns, there is no sign they are benefiting. Since the election, Vince Cable's party has yet to exceed single figures in the polls, scoring a lowly 6 per cent in the Opinium survey (down from 7.4 per cent at the election). 

What accounts for this disparity? After their near-extinction in 2015, the Lib Dems remain either toxic or irrelevant to many voters. Labour, by contrast, despite its pro-Brexit stance, has hoovered up Remainers (55 per cent back Jeremy Corbyn's party). 

In some cases, this reflects voters' other priorities. Remainers are prepared to support Labour on account of the party's stances on austerity, housing and education. Corbyn, meanwhile, is a eurosceptic whose internationalism and pro-migration reputation endear him to EU supporters. Other Remainers rewarded Labour MPs who voted against Article 50, rebelling against the leadership's stance. 

But the trend also partly reflects ignorance. By saying little on the subject of Brexit, Corbyn and Labour allowed Remainers to assume the best. Though there is little evidence that voters will abandon Corbyn over his EU stance, the potential exists.

For this reason, the proposal of a new party will continue to recur. By challenging Labour over Brexit, without the toxicity of Lib Dems, it would sharpen the choice before voters. Though it would not win an election, a new party could force Corbyn to soften his stance on Brexit or to offer a second referendum (mirroring Ukip's effect on the Conservatives).

The greatest problem for the project is that it lacks support where it counts: among MPs. For reasons of tribalism and strategy, there is no emergent "Gang of Four" ready to helm a new party. In the absence of a new convulsion, the UK may turn against Brexit without the anti-Brexiteers benefiting. 

George Eaton is political editor of the New Statesman.