Blow for Osborne as economy shrinks by 0.5 per cent

Fears of a double-dip recession return after economy unexpectedly contracts.

Most forecasters predicted economic growth of 0.4 per cent in the fourth quarter of 2010 but, as is often the case, the consensus was badly wrong. The economy actually shrank by 0.5 per cent, according to the first estimate by the Office for National Statistics.

George Osborne has inevitably cited the poor weather in the government's defence but even without the snow, the ONS says, growth would have been flat at 0 per cent. After strong growth of 0.7 per cent in the third quarter and 1.1 per cent in the second quarter (largely thanks to the last government's stimulus package and the Bank of England's ultra-loose monetary policy), the economy is running on empty again. Overall growth for the year was 1.4 per cent, significantly below the Office for Budget Responsibility's prediction of 1.8 per cent.

With the effects of the VAT rise yet to be felt and the spending cuts still to come in April, there is now a real risk of a double-dip recession – two successive quarters of negative growth. It's a good day for Labour to have Ed Balls, who has frequently warned of a double dip, leading the attack. But he should be careful this morning to strike a tone of concern, rather than one of vindication.

Meanwhile, as the graph I've put together shows, the spectre of stagflation – rising prices combined with falling growth – has returned.

GDP

The biggest difficulty for the government is that Osborne has few monetary weapons at his disposal. Interest rates are already at record lows and the exchange rate has fallen sharply since the crisis began in 2008. By contrast, as Robert Skidelsky noted in an essay last year for the NS, after the savage cuts of the 1981 Budget, Geoffrey Howe was able to loosen the money supply by cutting interest rates by 2 per cent.

Insofar as the government has a plan B, it is for further quantitative easing (QE). But with the cost of unsecured loans significantly higher than before the crisis, it is far from certain that another monetary injection will have the desired effect. Osborne is also under growing pressure from the inflation hawks to raise interest rates and avoid another round of QE.

For now, the government is sticking to its Thatcher-like insistence that there is no alternative. But if the next set of growth figures (published in April) show little improvement, Osborne will begin to come under significant pressure to postpone the cuts. The Chancellor's decision to declare hubristically last November that "the plan is working" now looks like a very poor judgement indeed.

George Eaton is political editor of the New Statesman.

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The public like radical policies, but they aren't so keen on radical politicians

Around the world, support for genuinely revolutionary ideas is strong, but in the UK at least, there's less enthusiasm for the people promising them.

You’re probably a getting a little bored of the litany of talking head statistics: trust in elected officials, parliament, the justice system and even democracy itself has been falling steadily for years and is at record lows. Maybe you’ve seen that graph that shows how people born after 1980 are significantly less likely than those born in 1960 to think that living in a democracy is ‘essential’. You’ve possibly heard of the ‘Pasokification’ of the centre-left, so-named the collapse of the once dominant Greek social democratic party Pasok, a technique being aggressively pursued by other centre-left parties in Europe to great effect.    

And so, goes the logic, there is a great appetite for something different, something new. It’s true! The space into which Trump et al barged leaves plenty of room for others: Beppe Grillo in Italy, Spanish Podemos, Bernie Sanders, Jean Luc Melanchon, and many more to come.

In my new book Radicals I followed movements and ideas that in many cases make someone like Jeremy Corbyn seem positively pedestrian: people who want to dismantle the nation state entirely, use technology to live forever, go off grid. All these ideas are finding fertile ground with the frustrated, disillusioned, and idealistic. The challenges of coming down the line – forces of climate change, technological change, fiscal crunch, mass movements of people – will demand new types of political ideas. Radical, outsider thinking is back, and this does, in theory at least, offer a chink of light for Corbyn’s Labour.

Polling last week found pretty surprising levels of support for many of his ideas. A big tax on high earners, nationalising the railways, banning zero hours contracts and upping the minimum wage are all popular. Support for renewable energy is at an all-time high. According to a recent YouGov poll, Brits actually prefer socialism to capitalism, a sentiment most strongly held among younger people.

There are others ideas too, which Corbyn is probably less likely to go for. Stopping benefits entirely for people who refuse to accept an offer of employment is hugely popular, and in one recent poll over half of respondents would be happy with a total ban on all immigration for the next two years. Around half the public now consistently want marijuana legalised, a number that will surely swell as US states with licenced pot vendors start showing off their dazzling tax returns.

The BNP effect used to refer to the problem the far-right had with selling their ideas. Some of their policies were extremely popular with the public, until associated with the BNP. It seems as though the same problem is now afflicting the Labour brand. It’s not the radical ideas – there is now a genuine appetite for those who think differently – that’s the problem, it’s the person who’s tasked with delivering them, and not enough people think Corbyn can or should. The ideal politician for the UK today is quite possibly someone who is bold enough to have genuinely radical proposals and ideas, and yet appears extremely moderate, sensible and centrist in character and temperament. Perhaps some blend of Blair and Corbyn. Sounds like an oxymoron doesn’t it? But this is politics, 2017. Anything is possible.

Jamie Bartlett is the head of the Violence and Extremism Programme and the Centre for the Analysis of Social Media at Demos.

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