US primary elections draw battle lines between insiders and outsiders

Republican voters pick a dark-horse Tea Party candidate to run for the Senate in Nevada, while two f

Overnight in the US, ballots were counted and and races called in ten primary elections, with a contentious run-off election also held. After a day that included the largest set of primary elections held this year, ballots are now finalised in several key elections that will take place on 2 November this year.

The analysts are calling the elections a sea change for the Republican Party, after voters chose female candidates in several high-profile states.

But behind this headline is the prospect of an insider-versus-outsider showdown in government, and the anti-incumbent rumblings that are bound to surface in the run-up to the November general elections.

A conservative, Tea Party candidate scored a major upset against the establishment Republican candidate in Nevada. And, in California, two former CEOs won in their respective Republican primaries and will face off against Democratic career politicians for statewide office.

Voter discontent with incumbents, "politics as usual" and the growing national deficit are having an impact on sitting politicians, with some even getting shown the exit by voters. The primary election season and the November midterm elections will decide the agenda of the Democratic Party-controlled Congress, and President Barack Obama, who has been perceived as not doing enough but spending too much.

Here are the results from the races to watch:

Nevada

Sharron Angle, a former legislator and schoolteacher, shot to political stardom yesterday, defeating the GOP-endorsed candidate for US senator in the Nevada Republican primary. Angle received a major boost after getting financial support and an endorsement from the Tea Party Express, a national group devoted to supporting Tea Party candidates.

The Republican Party had backed Sue Lowden in the primary race, but she stumbled after making a gaffe about going back to the days of bartering for health care by offering the doctor chickens. Despite winning the nomination, Angle will face an uphill battle against an established Democratic incumbent. She has made several provocative stands, such as ending the social security programme for younger people and closing the department of education.

Angle will go head-to-head in November with the Democrat and Senate majority leader, Harry Reid, who won his nomination race. Reid has had a target on his back and been losing in polls against Republican candidates. But with the support of the powerful casino industry, CNN reports, Reid is well on his way to raising $25m.

Angle, on the other hand, ran her primary campaign from her own house. A win in November would be a true Cinderella story for the Tea Party candidate.

Arkansas

In Arkansas, Senator Blanche Lincoln (Dem) survived attack from the labour unions in a come-from-behind victory over the challenger Lt Gov Bill Halter. An endorsement from the former president -- and former governor of Arkansas -- Bill Clinton helped to salvage Lincoln's seat. The win also prevented her from becoming the third major incumbent to feel the wrath of voters and be dislodged from office during the primaries.

Lincoln had been forced into a run-off election with Halter which took place on Tuesday. She now admits she and her party misunderstood the spirit of voter discontent. "I would say that we may have underestimated the anti-incumbent mood," she said.

Lincoln now faces a tough battle with the Republican John Boozman until the November elections, in a usually conservative state, during a rough time for politicos in power.

California

In a high-profile contest among Republicans to occupy the seat of the departing governor, Arnold Schwarzenegger, the former eBay CEO Meg Whitman defeated the former Silicon Valley businessman Steve Poizner.

The governor's race now shifts to a fight between business acumen and experience in government. Whitman will do battle with the Democrat Jerry Brown, who held the governor's office twice in the 1970s. Given the state of California's budget crisis, and the anti-insider mood of the electorate, independent voters may opt for Whitman in November. Whitman is so far outside the political establishment that she has been accused of not voting in elections for two decades.

Following this trend of "inside-versus-outside", another CEO will go up against a career politico in the California race for senator. The 28-year Democratic Party veteran Barbara Boxer, who is feeling the anti-incumbent heat, will square off against the former Hewlett-Packard chief and Republican Carly Fiorina after both won their nomination races on Tuesday.

South Carolina

State Representative Nikki Haley overcame a scandalous attempt to derail her campaign to gain the Republican nod to run for South Carolina governor. Haley, however, will have to face off against Representative Gresham Barrett in a 22 June run-off, as no one in the race earned a 50 per cent majority.

Barrett and Haley are seeking to replace the scandal-ridden Republican governor Mark Sanford, who was caught last year having an affair with an Argentinian woman, and who created a new euphemism with the phrase "hiking the Appalachian Trail".

Haley herself faced allegations of infidelity in the last two weeks of campaigning, in a scandal that has shades of the whisper campaign that defeated John McCain during the 2000 Republican presidential primary in South Carolina. Haley charged that rival Republican campaigns were behind the allegations levelled against her this year. During the run-up to Tuesday's primary, one of the men who allegedly took part in the affair released phone logs, and another one even did a lie-detector test to prove his claims.

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Is our obsession with class propping up the powerful?

Lynsey Hanley’s memoir Respectable: the Experience of Class attacks the sharp-elbowed bourgeoisie – but society will only be transformed by building coalitions between the middle and working classes.

Class is no longer banished from mainstream discussion, but it remains an uncomfortable topic for most mainstream media. The background to this is straightforward. The media all too often discriminate on the basis of parental wealth rather than talent: from unpaid internships to expensive postgraduate journalism qualifications, the routes into the industry are difficult to traverse without parents able to offer financial support. But most of us want to believe that our successes are personal achievements: that if we do well, it is because of our own ability, intelligence and determination. To realise that actually, you have queue-jumped, in effect, because of your parents’ bank balance: well, that would provoke insecurity and defensiveness. And so journalists and columnists are often disinclined to understand why society is stacked in the interests of some, but not others. Even raising the issue of class is felt as a personal attack.

That is one reason Lynsey Hanley is such a crucial voice. When she writes about class, she is writing about lived experience. Her new book, Respectable – the belated follow-up to her seminal Estates, published in 2007 – is a powerful investigation into the psychological impact, and cost, of shifting from class to class. She compares it to “emigrating from one side of the world, where you have to rescind your old passport, learn a new language and make gargantuan efforts if you are not to lose touch completely with the people and habits of your old life”. The case study? Hanley herself. The Personal Is Political would be as appropriate a subtitle for this book as any other.

Respectable compellingly (if sometimes erratically) weaves autobiography with academic research. Hanley grew up on a council estate in Chelmsley Wood, a 1960s ­new-build area of Solihull, in the West Midlands, a few miles from Birmingham. Her childhood, she says, would once have been labelled “respectable working class”: far removed from middle class but not “quite classically working class either” – rather, “foreman class” or “skilled tradesman class”. It feels wrong to infringe on Hanley’s right to self-define, but she does seem to have a very restrictive view of what being working class entails, so much so, that she isn’t entirely convinced she belongs. There has long been a clash between those who define class as a cultural identity and those who believe it has more to do with economic relationships (and those who think it is a combination of the two).

At Hanley’s school, “people didn’t do A-levels”. The high achievers ended up at the gas board or the Rover works and the word “university” evoked “something as distant as Mars”. Her school had 600 unfilled places, “effectively . . . abandoned by the community as much as by the local authority and by central government”. Hanley has always felt like an outsider: she struggled to make friends, found the limits of what was expected of someone from her background suffocating, and when – against the odds – she made it to sixth form, it seemed “one minute I was struggling for air, the next I felt as though I’d entered a large bubble of pure oxygen”. She looks to academics to help explain experiences she found difficult to navigate at the time. Her sense of isolation, for instance, can be illuminated by the sociologist Angela McRobbie’s exploration of “the ‘hermetically sealed’ nature of working-class culture in Birmingham”. The Uses of Literacy, Richard Hoggart’s 1957 classic, is her Bible; she feels he “could have been writing about my own childhood”.

Aged 17, Hanley was juggling five ­A-levels with four jobs: working at Greggs, selling Avon products, delivering newspapers and “making cakes and chocolates and selling them door to door”. But she became a professional journalist. When she was a teenager she visited Aldi to buy margarine and glacé cherries; now she comes back with “cold-pressed rapeseed oil and Pinot Noir”. She says “lunch” where she used to say “dinner”.

This is a well-crafted book full of insights. Hanley is determined to challenge the assumptions of left and right. She refers to socio-linguists such as Basil Bernstein, who examined how middle-class forms of communication were given preference over working-class expression but not because they were innately superior. Those who made the leap from working class to middle class found themselves assimilated by the new world. Many found it increasingly difficult to relate to the world they grew up in, and the people they grew up with.

Hanley thinks the approaches of both left and right to social mobility are problematic. Whereas the right uncritically worships the idea of “social mobility” – of parachuting the “lucky few” into the middle class without challenging the structure of society – the left, she says, believes that “social justice and social mobility are mutually exclusive”. In other words, she is questioning that old socialist maxim: “Rise with your class, not above it.”

Hanley assails those – including me – who place support for populist anti-immigration movements in a broader social context. She believes that we are downplaying the extent of racism in working-class communities, reducing it to fears over housing and jobs. We are robbing people of agency by letting individuals off the hook for their prejudices, she argues, stressing the casual racism she encountered on a daily basis. Disturbingly, she found that racism was often seen as a “sign of respectability”. She remembers sentiments along the lines of “Only common people hang out with darkies” and so on. My parents met through the Trotskyist movement; my father eventually became a white-collar local authority worker, my mother an IT lecturer at Salford University, and I was always by far the most middle-class of my friends. I’m not going to wish away the casual racism I encountered growing up in Stockport (and I’m white), but I’m not sure I’m entirely convinced by Hanley’s argument. Why is there an anti-immigration party with mass support now, yet there wasn’t one in the 1950s, when bigotry was far more open and widespread? Surely something has changed, and rising job, housing and general economic insecurity have had a role to play? And will a strategy of criticising people for voting Ukip – or even for the far right – win them over?

My main problem with Hanley’s book is this. Those of us who want to transform society so that it is not run as a racket for a tiny elite need to build a broad coalition. I’m a political activist who writes; Hanley is someone writing about reality as she has lived it. But her book surely challenges attempts to build unity between the working and middle classes. She writes of how middle-class people both hog and deny their “social and cultural capital”, and believes that those who argue in favour of a “99 Per Cent” under attack by an elite help entrench middle-class privilege. The middle classes pretend they have the same interests as the working class, while using their sharp elbows to keep them down.

I wonder if there is a third way. Abolish unpaid internships; introduce scholarships; invest in education at an early age; automatically enrol the brightest working-class young people into top universities; deal with social crises, such as the lack of affordable housing, which help destroy opportunity for the less privileged; have a proper living wage. And so on. But if those who believe in social justice fail to build a coalition of supermarket worker and schoolteacher, cleaner and junior doctor, factory worker and university lecturer . . . well, we will fail. From the low-paid against the unemployed, to private-sector against public-sector worker, to indigene against immigrant, there are enough divisions exploited by the powerful as it is.

Nonetheless, Respectable is of vital importance: a searing indictment of a chronically unjust society in which our opportunities are granted or denied from the earliest of ages. The book may not offer clear prescriptions, but it is incumbent on all of us to fight for a just and equal society – one that currently does not exist. 

Owen Jones’s Chavs: the Demonisation of the Working Class is newly republished in paperback by Verso

Respectable: The Experience of Class by Lynsey Hanley is published by Allen Lane (240pp, £16.99)

Owen Jones is a left-wing columnist, author and commentator. He is a contributing writer to the New Statesman and writes a weekly column for the Guardian. He has published two books, Chavs: the Demonisation of the Working Class and The Establishment and How They Get Away With It.

This article first appeared in the 28 April 2016 issue of the New Statesman, The new fascism