Is Brown going to scupper a Lib-Lab deal?

Labour leader reportedly “delivered a diatribe laced with threats” to Nick Clegg.

The BBC reports that Gordon Brown "delivered a diatribe laced with threats" when he spoke to Nick Clegg last night by phone.

The Liberal Democrat source added that this was in contrast to "the respectful and constructive talks" between Clegg and David Cameron.

Clegg has expressed frustration with Brown's negotiating style before, most notably after the cross-party talks on MPs' expenses in June. It was Brown's obstinate approach, Lib Dems say, that turned their leader against the Prime Minister.

As a result, it's unlikely that Labour could strike a deal with Clegg without at least offering a timetable for Brown's departure. But it would be a pity if the latter's tribal style prevented us even reaching this point.

UPDATE: A Liberal Democrat source has denied that the conversation was "angry" and says it was perfectly amicable, according to the BBC's Laura Kuenssberg.

Yet, true or not, the story has already strengthened the hand of those who argue that Brown must resign as a precondition of any Lib-Lab deal.

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George Eaton is political editor of the New Statesman.

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The Brexiteers' response to John Major shows their dangerous complacency

Leave's leaders are determined to pretend that there are no risks to their approach.

Christmas is some way off, but Theresa May could be forgiven for feeling like Ebenezer Scrooge. Another Ghost of Prime Ministers Past in the shape of John Major is back in the headlines with a major speech on Brexit.

He struck most of the same notes that Tony Blair did in his speech a fortnight ago. Brexit is a blunder, a "historic mistake" in Major's view. The union between England and Scotland is under threat as is the peace in Northern Ireland. It's not unpatriotic for the defeated side in an electoral contest to continue to hold to those beliefs after a loss. And our present trajectory is a hard Brexit that will leave many of us poorer and wreck the British social model.

But, as with Blair, he rules out any question that the referendum outcome should not be honoured, though, unlike Blair, he has yet to firmly state that pro-Europeans should continue to advocate for a return to the EU if we change our minds. He had a note of warning for the PM: that the Brexit talks need "a little more charm and a lot less cheap rhetoric" and that the expectations she is setting are "unreal and over-optimistic".

On that last point in particular, he makes a point that many politicians make privately but few have aired in public. It may be that we will, as Theresa May says, have the best Brexit. France may in fact pay for it. But what if they don't? What if we get a good deal but immigration doesn't fall? Who'll be blamed for that? Certainly we are less likely to get a good deal while the government passes up pain-free opportunities to secure goodwill from our European partners.

As with Blair, the reaction says more about British politics after Brexit than the speech itself. Jacob Rees-Mogg described it as "a craven and defeated speech of a bitter man". Iain Duncan Smith, too, thinks that it was "strangely bitter".

There is much to worry about as Britain leaves the European Union but the most corrosive and dangerous trend of all is that section of the Leave elite which requires not only that we implement Brexit but that we all pretend that there are no risks, no doubts and that none of us voted to Remain on 23 June. That Blair and Major's speeches - "You voted for it, so we'll do it, but it's a mistake" - are seen as brave and controversial rather than banal and commonplace statements of political practice in a democracy are more worrying than anything that might happen to the value of the pound.

Stephen Bush is special correspondent at the New Statesman. His daily briefing, Morning Call, provides a quick and essential guide to British politics.