Economists slam Tory calls for cuts

The Keynesians strike back.

So, after last week's letter to the Sunday Times from 20 economists, supporting the Tory demand for the government to begin cutting spending this year, it's the turn of the Keynesians to strike back.

Today's Financial Times carries not one, but two letters from 67 economists in total, warning that early spending cuts could tip the economy back into recession and rebutting claims that the deficit is "out of control".

The second, written by Lord Skidelsky and signed by 57 others, including Joseph Stiglitz and our economics columnist, David Blanchflower, is the more significant.

Here are the key passages:

In urging a faster pace of deficit reduction to reassure the financial markets, the signatories of the Sunday Times letter implicitly accept as binding the views of the same financial markets whose mistakes precipitated the crisis in the first place!

They seek to frighten us with the present level of the deficit but mention neither the automatic reduction that will be achieved as and when growth is resumed nor the effects of growth on investor confidence. How do the letter's signatories imagine foreign creditors will react if implementing fierce spending cuts tips the economy back into recession? To ask -- as they do -- for independent appraisal of fiscal policy forecasts is sensible. But for the good of the British people -- and for fiscal sustainability -- the first priority must be to restore robust economic growth. The wealth of the nation lies in what its citizens can produce.

George Osborne's claim that the economic consensus favours the Tories has been exposed as false.

The decision to send the letter to the FT (it was originally rumoured that it would appear in this week's Sunday Times) was a canny one. It lends the letter a far greater degree of authority; and it appears in a title that also argues against the deficit hawks. The paper's leader today concludes:

Friday's letters are an embarrassment for the Tories, above all, who sought to capitalise on the first letter. They must learn -- soon -- that their desire for simple political messages is no excuse for nuance-free policy positions.

The FT is often mistakenly assumed to be a cheerleader for the free market, but it has actually endorsed Labour at every election since 1992. And it would be foolish of the Tories to count on its support this time round.

What is surprising is that this letters war has started at a time when the differences between the parties on trimming public spending have ostensibly narrowed. David Cameron has promised that a Conservative government would avoid "swingeing" cuts and Alistair Darling has insisted (against the wishes of Ed Balls) that any windfall from lower than expected unemployment must be used to reduce the deficit, not for a pre-election giveaway.

But with the economy as fragile as it is, the Tories' plan to begin cutting spending from this year remains deeply irresponsible. Any hope George Osborne had of presenting himself as a credible chancellor-in-waiting has evaporated.

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George Eaton is political editor of the New Statesman.

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Why isn't Labour putting forward Corbynite candidates?

Despite his successes as a candidate, the organisational victories have gone the way of Corbyn's opponents. 

The contest changes, but the result remains the same: Jeremy Corbyn’s preferred candidate defeated in a parliamentary selection. Afzhal Khan is Labour’s candidate in the Manchester Gorton by-election and the overwhelming favourite to be the seat’s next MP.

Although Khan, an MEP, was one of  the minority of Labour’s European MPs to dissent from a letter from the European parliamentary Labour party calling for Jeremy Corbyn to go in the summer of 2016, he backed Andy Burnham and Tom Watson in 2015, and it is widely believed, fairly or unfairly, that Khan had, as one local activist put it, “the brains to know which way the wind was blowing” rather than being a pukka Corbynite.

For the leader’s office, it was a double defeat;  their preferred candidate, Sam Wheeler, was kept off the longlist, when the party’s Corbynsceptics allied with the party’s BAME leadership to draw up an all ethnic minority shortlist, and Yasmine Dar, their back-up option, was narrowly defeated by Khan among members in Manchester Gorton.

But even when the leadership has got its preferred candidate to the contest, they have been defeated. That even happened in Copeland, where the shortlist was drawn up by Corbynites and designed to advantage Rachel Holliday, the leader’s office preferred candidate.

Why does the Labour left keep losing? Supporters combination of bad luck and bad decisions for the defeat.

In Oldham West, where Michael Meacher, a committed supporter of Jeremy Corbyn’s, was succeeded by Jim McMahon, who voted for Liz Kendall, McMahon was seen to be so far ahead that they had no credible chance of stopping him. Rosena Allin-Khan was a near-perfect candidate to hold the seat of Tooting: a doctor at the local hospital, the seat’s largest employer, with links to both the Polish and Pakistani communities that make up the seat’s biggest minority blocs.  Gillian Troughton, who won the Copeland selection, is a respected local councillor.

But the leadership has also made bad decisions, some claim.  The failure to get a candidate in Manchester Gorton was particularly egregious, as one trade unionist puts it: “We all knew that Gerald was not going to make it [until 2020], they had a local boy with good connections to the trade unions, that contest should have been theirs for the taking”. Instead, they lost control of the selection panel because Jeremy Corbyn missed an NEC meeting – the NEC is hung at present as the Corbynsceptics sacrificed their majority of one to retain the chair – and with it their best chance of taking the seat.

Others close to the leadership point out that for the first year of Corbyn’s leadership, the leader’s office was more preoccupied with the struggle for survival than it was with getting more of its people in. Decisions in by-elections were taken on the hop and often in a way that led to problems later down the line. It made sense to keep Mo Azam, from the party’s left, off the shortlist in Oldham West when Labour MPs were worried for their own seats and about the Ukip effect if Labour selected a minority candidate. But that enraged the party’s minority politicians and led directly to the all-ethnic-minority shortlist in Manchester Gorton.

They also point out that the party's councillor base, from where many candidates are drawn, is still largely Corbynsceptic, though they hope that this will change in the next round of local government selections. (Councillors must go through a reselection process at every election.)

But the biggest shift has very little to do with the Labour leadership. The big victories for the Labour left in internal battles under Ed Miliband were the result of Unite and the GMB working together. Now they are, for various reasons, at odds and the GMB has proven significantly better at working shortlists and campaigning for its members to become MPs.  That helps Corbynsceptics. “The reason why so many of the unions supported Jeremy the first time,” one senior Corbynite argues, “Is they wanted to move the Labour party a little bit to the left. They didn’t want a socialist transformation of the Labour party. And actually if you look at the people getting selected they are not Corbynites, but they are not Blairites either, and that’s what the unions wanted.”

Regardless of why, it means that, two years into Corbyn’s leadership, the Labour left finds itself smaller in parliament than it was at the beginning.  

Stephen Bush is special correspondent at the New Statesman. His daily briefing, Morning Call, provides a quick and essential guide to British politics.