Personal vendetta above party loyalty

Peter Watt's new book gives further evidence of disunity in Brown's government -- but why now?

Another day, another former Labour insider confessing their true feelings about Gordon Brown . . . and in the process potentially damaging what election hopes there are left for the party.

The Mail on Sunday today dedicates six pages to its first extract from Inside Out: My Story of Betrayal and Cowardice at the Heart of New Labour, a book by the former general secretary of the Labour Party Peter Watt.

Watt discusses the election that never was, claiming that limousines were circling parliament to take MPs on the campaign trail when Brown made a U-turn live on TV.

At this point, stories of disunity at the heart of the Brown administration are nothing new. But, in a fresh spin, Watt draws the International Development Secretary, Douglas Alexander -- who had been mentored and backed by Brown -- into the intrigue. Apparently Alexander said of the election:

The truth is, Peter, we have spent ten years working with this guy, and we don't actually like him. We have always thought that the longer the British public had to get to know him, the less they would like him as well.

Watt quotes him at another point saying:

You'd imagine that after ten years of waiting for this, and ten years complaining about Tony, we would have some idea of what we are going to do, but we don't seem to have any policies. For God's sake, Harriet's helping write the manifesto!

Clearly, there are fundamental and increasingly bitter divisions within New Labour, as last week's failed coup attempt illustrated with painful clarity. I can understand that people might feel desperate to speak out -- or I would understand, had they done so a year ago, or even six months ago. Acting on the cusp of a general election strikes me as showing all the concern for the potential fallout of a toddler smashing its toys in a tantrum. That said, it's worth noting that a poll for the Sunday Telegraph published yesterday showed that Labour, weirdly, had gained a point despite the failed coup.

It makes more sense for Watt to act now than it did for Geoff Hoon and Patricia Hewitt last week: he says he was treated unfairly when he was forced to take the blame for the "Donorgate" scandal and resign, so he obviously wants to inflict maximum damage.

And yet, call me idealistic, but isn't this a little petty? Hoon, Hewitt and Watt are all members of the Labour Party, and were once at the very centre of it. With a general election in the offing, is a personal vendetta against Gordon Brown really more important than salvaging that election?

 

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Samira Shackle is a freelance journalist, who tweets @samirashackle. She was formerly a staff writer for the New Statesman.

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Voters are turning against Brexit but the Lib Dems aren't benefiting

Labour's pro-Brexit stance is not preventing it from winning the support of Remainers. Will that change?

More than a year after the UK voted for Brexit, there has been little sign of buyer's remorse. The public, including around a third of Remainers, are largely of the view that the government should "get on with it".

But as real wages are squeezed (owing to the Brexit-linked inflationary spike) there are tentative signs that the mood is changing. In the event of a second referendum, an Opinium/Observer poll found, 47 per cent would vote Remain, compared to 44 per cent for Leave. Support for a repeat vote is also increasing. Forty one per cent of the public now favour a second referendum (with 48 per cent opposed), compared to 33 per cent last December. 

The Liberal Democrats have made halting Brexit their raison d'être. But as public opinion turns, there is no sign they are benefiting. Since the election, Vince Cable's party has yet to exceed single figures in the polls, scoring a lowly 6 per cent in the Opinium survey (down from 7.4 per cent at the election). 

What accounts for this disparity? After their near-extinction in 2015, the Lib Dems remain either toxic or irrelevant to many voters. Labour, by contrast, despite its pro-Brexit stance, has hoovered up Remainers (55 per cent back Jeremy Corbyn's party). 

In some cases, this reflects voters' other priorities. Remainers are prepared to support Labour on account of the party's stances on austerity, housing and education. Corbyn, meanwhile, is a eurosceptic whose internationalism and pro-migration reputation endear him to EU supporters. Other Remainers rewarded Labour MPs who voted against Article 50, rebelling against the leadership's stance. 

But the trend also partly reflects ignorance. By saying little on the subject of Brexit, Corbyn and Labour allowed Remainers to assume the best. Though there is little evidence that voters will abandon Corbyn over his EU stance, the potential exists.

For this reason, the proposal of a new party will continue to recur. By challenging Labour over Brexit, without the toxicity of Lib Dems, it would sharpen the choice before voters. Though it would not win an election, a new party could force Corbyn to soften his stance on Brexit or to offer a second referendum (mirroring Ukip's effect on the Conservatives).

The greatest problem for the project is that it lacks support where it counts: among MPs. For reasons of tribalism and strategy, there is no emergent "Gang of Four" ready to helm a new party. In the absence of a new convulsion, the UK may turn against Brexit without the anti-Brexiteers benefiting. 

George Eaton is political editor of the New Statesman.