Why sickly US health bill affects us all

Republican resentment bodes ill for yet-to-be-passed bills

So the picture on Capitol Hill may now be one of grinning Democrat faces -- but for how much longer? Early today, health-care reforms backed by President Barack Obama finally scraped past the crucial Senate hurdle, with the Democrats getting the required 60 votes to move the bill to a final vote by Christmas Eve.

Yet this Democratic victory has bred deep resentment in the Republican caucus. Reports from Washington suggest that a new era of partisanship is about to begin, boding ill for yet-to-be-passed bills still tied up in the Senate.

The key concern is that Republicans will choose to play politics, causing domestic intransigence to weigh down on globally important issues such as climate change and nuclear weapons proliferation.

Climate change legislation, which Senate Democratic leaders aim to bring to the floor by next spring, has been hotly opposed by Republican senators, particularly those from the manufacturing states. The failure of the bill to pass through the Senate before the recently ended Copenhagen summit was blamed as one of the reasons for the world's subsequent inability to agree on a legally binding treaty, demonstrating how America's domestic problems have impeded global co-operation.

Similarly, Obama wants the Senate to ratify the Comprehensive Test Ban Treaty, a legally binding agreement that calls for a world halt to nuclear weapons testing which the US Senate declined to ratify in 1999. To date, the treaty has been signed by 182 countries, but has yet to come into force because the US and eight other countries have yet to give it their approval.

Both bills require a 60-40 majority to pass, making a show of bipartisanship all but crucial for any hoped-for success: with exactly 60 Democratic senators there is no room for manoeuvre. And, remember, Obama's stated goal was to achieve a bipartisan health bill -- a forgotten hope.

Republicans are convinced that the Democrats are heading towards an "historic mistake" and intend to force a series of six procedural showdowns to keep Senate in session right through Christmas Eve -- a tactic designed to drag the final vote out until after the Democrats' self-imposed deadline. If successful, this would further delay attempts to work out a compromise between the House's and the Senate's health-care legislation.

Moreover, the Democrats' hard-fought win still hangs in the balance -- the absence of a single member of the Democratic caucus could derail the bill's progress.

"What the American people should pray is that somebody can't make the vote," Senator Tom Coburn of Oklahoma, a leading Republican opponent of the health bill, was quoted as saying.

The Senate bill, as it now stands, will significantly transform the US health-care system, mandating almost all Americans to buy insurance, with those from lower-income groups receiving subsidies to do so. It would mean 94 per cent of Americans under the age of 65 would have medical coverage by 2019.

But compromises had to be made in order to win the necessary votes.

The option of a new government-run insurance plan to compete with private insurers was dropped, while support had to be given to revised language on abortion in order to win the crucial 60th vote from Senator Ben Nelson from Nebraska -- one of the most conservative Democrats. The bill now says that states can opt out of insurance plans that cover abortions, and state "insurance exchanges" will have to offer at least one plan that does not fund abortions.

Nelson's support for the bill was also given on condition that the federal government will permanently fund Nebraska's bill for Medicaid, the insurance plan for the poor.

Such wrangling for votes has attracted fierce criticism that the concessions made to Nebraska are akin to bribery and corruption. Senator John Cornyn, a Texas Republican, described the effort to get the 60 votes as "basically a pay-to-play approach . . . and it's just repulsive".

However, this does not mean that the haggling is over. The bill will have to be merged with the House's version, which still restrains the government option and places stricter limits on abortion funding, before going back to both houses for another vote.


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How the row over Jackie Walker triggered a full-blown war in Momentum

Jon Lansman, the organisation's founder, is coming under attack. 

The battle for control within Momentum, which has been brewing for some time, has begun in earnest.

In a sign of the growing unrest within the organisation – established as the continuation of Jeremy Corbyn’s first successful leadership bid, and instrumental in delivering in his re-election -  a critical pamphlet by the Alliance for Workers’ Liberty (AWL), a Trotskyite grouping, has made its way into the pages of the Times, with the “unelected” chiefs of Momentum slated for turning the organisation into a “bland blur”.

The issue of contention: between those who see Momentum as an organisation to engage new members of the Labour party, who have been motivated by Jeremy Corbyn but are not yet Corbynites.

One trade unionist from that tendency described what they see the problem as like this: “you have people who have joined to vote for Jeremy, they’re going to meetings, but they’re voting for the Progress candidates in selections, they’re voting for Eddie Izzard [who stood as an independent but Corbynsceptic candidate] in the NEC”.  

On the other are those who see a fightback by Labour’s right and centre as inevitable, and who are trying to actively create a party within a party for what they see as an inevitable purge. One activist of that opinion wryly described Momentum as “Noah’s Ark”.

For both sides, Momentum, now financially stable thanks to its membership, which now stands at over 20,000, is a great prize. And in the firing line for those who want to turn Momentum into a parallel line is Jon Lansman, the organisation’s founder.

Lansman, who came into politics as an aide to Tony Benn, is a figure of suspicion on parts of the broad left due to his decades-long commitment to the Labour party. His major opposition within Momentum and on its ruling executive comes from the AWL.

The removal of Jackie Walker as a vice-chair of Momentum after she said that Holocaust Memorial Day belittled victims of other genocides has boosted the AWL, although the AWL's Jill Mountford, who sits on Momentum's ruling executive, voted to remove Walker as vice-chair. (Walker remains on the NEC, as she has been elected by members). But despite that, the AWL, who have been critical of the process whereby Walker lost her post, have felt the benefit across the country.

Why? Because that battle has triggered a series of serious splits, not only in Momentum’s executive but its grassroots. A raft of local groups have thrown out the local leadership, mostly veterans of Corbyn’s campaign for the leadership, for what the friend of one defeated representative described as “people who believe the Canary [a pro-Corbyn politics website that is regularly accused of indulging and promoting conspiracy theories]”.

In a further series of reverses for the Lansmanite caucus, the North West, a Momentum stronghold since the organisation was founded just under a year ago, is slipping away from old allies of Lansman and towards the “new” left. As one insider put it, the transition is from longstanding members towards people who had been kicked out in the late 1980s and early 1990s by Neil Kinnock. The constituency party of Wallasey in particular is giving senior figures in Momentum headaches just as it is their opponents on the right of the party, with one lamenting that they have “lost control” of the group.

It now means that planned changes to Momentum’s structure, which the leadership had hoped to be rubberstamped by members, now face a fraught path to passage.

Adding to the organisation’s difficulties is the expected capture of James Schneider by the leader’s office. Schneider, who appears widely on television and radio as the public face of Momentum and is well-liked by journalists, has an offer on the table to join Jeremy Corbyn’s team at Westminster as a junior to Seumas Milne.

The move, while a coup for Corbyn, is one that Momentum – and some of Corbyn’s allies in the trade union movement – are keen to resist. Taking a job in the leader’s office would reduce still further the numbers of TV-friendly loyalists who can go on the airwaves and defend the leadership. There is frustration among the leader’s office that as well as Diane Abbott and John McDonnell, who are both considered to be both polished media performers and loyalists, TV bookers turn to Ken Livingstone, who is retired and unreliable, and Paul Mason, about whom opinions are divided within Momentum. Some regard Mason as a box office performer who needs a bigger role, others as a liability.

But all are agreed that Schneider’s expected departure will weaken the media presence of Corbyn loyalists and also damage Momentum. Schneider has spent much of his time not wrangling journalists but mediating in local branches and is regarded as instrumental in the places “where Momentum is working well” in the words of one trade unionist. (Cornwall is regarded as a particular example of what the organisation should be aiming towards)

It comes at a time when Momentum’s leadership is keen to focus both on its external campaigns but the struggle for control in the Labour party. Although Corbyn has never been stronger within the party, no Corbynite candidate has yet prevailed in a by-election, with the lack of available candidates at a council level regarded as part of the problem. Councilors face mandatory reselection as a matter of course, and the hope is that a bumper crop of pro-Corbyn local politicians will go on to form the bulk of the talent pool for vacant seats in future by-elections and in marginal seats at the general election.

But at present, a draining internal battle is sapping Momentum of much of its vitality. But Lansman retains two trump cards. The first is that as well as being the founder of the organisation, he is its de facto owner: the data from Jeremy Corbyn’s leadership campaigns, without which much of the organisation could not properly run, is owned by a limited company of which he is sole director. But “rolling it up and starting again” is very much the nuclear option, that would further delay the left’s hopes of consolidating its power base in the party.

The second trump card, however, is the tribalism of many of the key players at a local level, who will resist infiltration by groups to Labour’s left just as fiercely as many on the right. As one veteran of both Corbyn’s campaigns reflected: “If those who have spent 20 years attacking our party think they have waiting allies in the left of Labour, they are woefully mistaken”. 

Stephen Bush is special correspondent at the New Statesman. His daily briefing, Morning Call, provides a quick and essential guide to British politics.