The gates of Hell are thrown open...

An introduction for the uninitiated of the very often misunderstood belief of Satanism

Satanism. Even today, the very word strikes a note of avid concern and furrows the brow of even some of the most contemporary and supposedly unorthodox minds. And if anyone thinks I am writing this to allay any fears people might have they would be terribly mistaken. The fact is Satanism, for many, is indeed something to be feared. But it does not find its source of power in those laughable caricatures presented for public consumption by a variety of pious maniacs intent on filling their own coffers by preying on the paltry fears of the more feeble minded within society and a media that has, at times, been all too eager to spread the gospel of lurid, lascivious and nefarious tales of Satanic ritual abuse.

I simply do not have either the space or the inclination here to waste time demolishing the moronic claims that Satanism is an international conspiracy of evil psychopaths intent on destroying the planet and enslaving the masses through drug abuse and the sacrifice of children and animals. Those absurd charges have already been lambasted – no less than by the FBI, who in 20 years of investigations have publicly stated that they have never found a scrap of evidence to back up these claims. In fact, it’s rather a shame they had to waste such an inordinate amount of time foraging around in a quagmire of “evidence” born only in the minds of the mentally ill, when they could have been out doing what they are paid to do – locking up those less palatable members of the human race who’s business it is to thrive at the expense of everyone else.

So what is Satanism? Satanism is a religion that accepts man as he most naturally is. Our philosophy is one of elitism, whereby the strong rule over the weak and the productive over the wastrel through a process of Social Darwinism that occurs as a consequence of stratification. The compounding effect of egalitarianism has provided a firm foundation for the abysmal propagation of the parasite. Counter measures are long over due. Satanism espouses justice. And that extends to upholding the principle that only a meritocracy can truly serve the human race. In nature there is a pecking order and higher resources must not be drained by the wilfully less effective who are happy to sit at the bottom of the ladder and drain everyone else like a bloodsucker. No one is suggesting greasing the rungs. The strong stratify themselves, pull themselves up by their own boot-straps and pick themselves up again when they get knocked down – they seek to attain the sweet fruits of indulgence found on the higher plateaus of human endeavour.

Satan, to the Satanist, is an archetype symbolising the inherent nature of man and our acceptance of this brutal philosophy that governs us as a species. To this extent we are atheistic, adopting this mantel as the ultimate figure of pride, rebellion and human excellence.

So as you see, worship and sacrifice are not a part of our rationale; since we do not uphold a deity to bow down to. It has been said that we worship ourselves in the sense that our own egos provide the only bench-mark through which we seek to gratify our desires, pursuing our goals and furthering our own lives through the passionate application of our individual proclivities. For us, there is no hope of reward in some intangible afterlife - here and now is the only opportunity.

Dr. Elmer Gates (1853 – 1923), the eminent research psychologist made specific reference to the importance of individual development, referring to such persons as “a world worker.” He said: “a person whose genius or other predilection is contributory to the development of any science, art, philosophy or religion as a lifework, having accepted his mission and administering it for the world’s weal and his own happiness – he is a world worker.” Satanists are world workers. Satanists are people who can do things. You might be a factory owner, unbeknownst to you the young man who sweeps your floors might be a Satanist. He would certainly never bother you with the fact – but you can be sure you’d have the best swept floors in any factory you can think of. You’d better hold on to that young man because you can be sure he won’t be sweeping floors forever. And you can be just as sure he will apply himself effectively in anything he undertakes.

For those who haven’t yet read The Satanic Bible, Satanic philosophy can be encapsulated in The 9 Satanic Statements (copyright Anton Szandor LaVey 1969):

1: Satan represents indulgence, instead of abstinence!

2: Satan represents vital existence, instead of spiritual pipe dreams!

3: Satan represents undefiled wisdom, instead of hypocritical self-deceit!

4: Satan represents kindness to those who deserve it, rather than love wasted on ingrates!

5: Satan represents vengeance, instead of turning the other cheek!

6: Satan represents responsibility to the responsible, instead of concern for psychic vampires!

7: Satan represents man as just another animal, sometimes better, more often worse than those that walk on all fours, who, because of his “divine spiritual and intellectual development” has become the most vicious animal of all!

8: Satan represents all of the so-called sins, as they all lead to physical, mental or emotional gratification!

9: Satan has been the best friend the church has ever had, as he has kept it in business all these years!

So there you have it. And if evil they brand us, then evil we are! But as you see, there is no element of Devil worship in our credo. Satan is quite simply a symbol of man living as his nature dictates and remaining the final arbiter of his own destiny.

Umberto Ray is predominantly known as a poet and his work has appeared in magazines and anthologies around the world. His first book, The Blood In My Veins, was published in 2005. He has been a CoS member for several years and was ordained into its priesthood on Walpurgisnacht, 2007.
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The Tory-DUP deal has left Scotland and Wales seething

It is quite something to threaten the Northern Irish peace process and set the various nations of the UK at loggerheads with merely one act.

Politics in the UK is rarely quite this crude, or this blatant. The deal agreed between the Conservatives and Northern Ireland's Democratic Unionist Party has – finally – been delivered. But both the deal and much of the opposition to it come with barely even the pretence of principled behaviour.

The Conservatives are looking to shore up their parliamentary and broader political position after a nightmare month. The DUP deal gives the Tories some parliamentary security, and some political breathing space. It is not yet clear what they as a party will do with this – whether, for instance, there will be an attempt to seek new leadership for the party now that the immediate parliamentary position has been secured.

But while some stability has been achieved, the deal does not provide the Tories with much additional strength. Indeed, the DUP deal emphasises their weakness. To finalise the agreement the government has had to throw money at Northern Ireland and align with a deeply socially conservative political force. At a stroke, the last of what remained of the entire Cameron project – the Conservative’s rebuilt reputation as the better party for the economy and fiscal stability, and their development as a much more socially inclusive and liberal party – has been thrown overboard.

Read more: Theresa May's magic money tree is growing in Northern Ireland

For the DUP, the reasoning behind the deal is as obvious as it is for the Conservatives. The DUP has maximised the leverage that the parliamentary arithmetic gives it. As a socially conservative and unionist party, it has absolutely no wish to see Jeremy Corbyn in Downing Street. But it has kept the Conservatives waiting, and used the current position to get as good a deal as possible. Why should we expect it to do anything else? Still, it is hardly seemly for votes to be bought quite so blatantly.

The politics behind much of the criticism of the deal has been equally obvious. Welsh First Minister Carwyn Jones – representing not only the Labour party, but also a nation whose relative needs are at least as great as those of the six counties – abandoned his normally restrained tone to describe the deal as a "bung" for Northern Ireland. Scotland’s First Minister Nicola Sturgeon was also sharply critical of the deal’s lack of concern for financial fairness across the UK. In doing so, she rather blithely ignored the fact that the Barnett Formula, out of which Scotland has long done rather well, never had much to do with fairness anyway. But we could hardly expect the Scottish National Party First Minister to do anything but criticise both the Conservatives and the current functioning of the UK.

Beyond the depressingly predictable short-term politics, the long-term consequences of the Tory-DUP deal are much less foreseeable. It is quite something to threaten the integrity of the Northern Irish peace process and set the various nations of the UK at loggerheads with merely one act. Perhaps everything will work out OK. But it is concerning that, for the current government, short-term political survival appears all-important, even at potential cost to the long-term stability and integrity of the state.

But one thing is clear. The political unity of the UK is breaking down. British party politics is in retreat, possibly even existential decay. This not to say that political parties as a whole are in decline. But the political ties that bind across the UK are.

The DUP deal comes after the second general election in a row where four different parties have come first in the four nations of the UK, something which had never happened before 2015. But perhaps even more significantly, the 2017 election was one where the campaigns across the four nations were perhaps less connected than ever before.

Of course, Northern Ireland’s party and electoral politics have long been largely separate from those on the mainland. But Ulster Unionist MPs long took the Tory whip at Westminster. Even after that practice ceased in the 1970s, some vestigial links between the parties remained, while there were also loose ties between the Social Democratic and Labour Party and Labour. But in 2017, both these Northern Irish parties had their last Commons representation eliminated.

In Scotland, 2017 saw the SNP lose some ground; the main unionist parties are, it seems, back in the game. But even to stage their partial comeback, the unionist parties had to fight – albeit with some success – on the SNP’s turf, focusing the general election campaign in Scotland heavily around the issue of a potential second independence referendum.

Even in Wales, Labour’s 26th successive general election victory was achieved in a very different way to the previous 25. The party campaigned almost exclusively as Welsh Labour. The main face and voice of the campaign was Carwyn Jones, with Jeremy Corbyn almost invisible in official campaign materials. Immediately post-election, Conservatives responded to their failure by calling for the creation of a clear Welsh Conservative leader.

Read more: Did Carwyn Jones win Wales for Labour  - or Jeremy Corbyn?

Yet these four increasingly separate political arenas still exist within one state. The UK was always an odd entity: what James Mitchell astutely termed a "state of unions", with the minority nations grafted on in distinct and even contradictory ways to the English core. The politics of the four nations are drifting apart, yet circumstances will still sometimes mean that they have to intersect. In the current instance, the parliamentary arithmetic means the Tories having to work with a party that celebrates a form of "Britishness" viewed increasingly with baffled incomprehension, if not outright revulsion, by the majority of Conservatives, even, on the British mainland. In turn, the Tories and other parties, as well as the news-media, are having to deal with sudden relevance of a party whose concerns and traditions they understand very little of.

Expect more of this incomprehension, not less, in the post-2017 general election world. 

Roger Scully is Professor of Political Science in the Wales Governance Centre at Cardiff University.

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