Christian worship – reasons and rewards

Why God has better stats than Thierry Henry

I believe that we all have idols which we worship - knowledge, success, wealth, power, fame, relationships, alcohol, drugs, food, technology, cars, shoes, sports teams, art or artists, television, tradition. The list goes on of things we devote countless hours towards worshipping and pursuing with an insatiable appetite.

Knowing this, Jesus said the first and greatest of the Ten Commandments is: “You must love the Lord your God with all your heart, with all your soul and with all your mind”. At first glance this could seem like quite an onerous task but the reality is that most of us find worship lovely and very easy.

Thierry Henry is worshipped in the neighbourhood where I live. He was something special at Arsenal Football Club and thousands of kids and their parents walk around with his name on the back of their replica shirts. Some will claim he is the greatest footballer in the world. No doubt he has superb dribbling skills, speed, balance and he scores goals for fun. On top of this, he has style, good looks, humour and is an inspirational leader who had an immense heart for his team.

He knew Arsenal fans loved him. After scoring an exquisite goal, he would run to the corner flag with his hand cupped over his ear to encourage and amplify the cheers of the fans. And they would cheer all the louder. Adoration was gladly given. Would a crowd have taken so readily to a man who instead humbly returned to his own half to await the restart?

Thierry Henry is a footballer. And now he has left for Spain. God is, well, God and isn’t going anywhere. Putting Henry’s statistics beside God’s would only serve to reinforce why God, of the two, is the more worthy of our praise.

As a Christian, I believe He created and sustains the universe. I believe He defined the laws of physics governing how a football can travel from a Frenchman’s foot into the back of the net in such a compelling fashion. I believe Jesus, fully man and fully God, chose not to lord it on earth but to die a criminal’s death on the cross so that we did not have to bear the punishment our sins deserved. I believe the Devil’s main concern is to steal and destroy, and Jesus won a great victory over him, for our gain, by his death and resurrection.

And so I worship him in many ways. A major way is trying to act justly and mercifully in my everyday life, by obeying the second greatest commandment: “Love your neighbour as yourself”. However, I also lead the congregation of New River Church in hymns and songs most Sunday mornings. This part of the meeting we call “worship”.

There, we come together to meet with God, give Him our burdens and lift our hands in songs of thanks and praise. We attempt to put Him first, no matter how desperate our other concerns. We come with a hope and an expectation that the Spirit of God will meet us there. That God will cup his ear as we cheer. That He will welcome our adoration and we will adore him. He goes further. It says in the Bible that where the Spirit of the Lord is, there is freedom. Time and time again we have experienced this to be true.

As we worship Him, he counsels us, refreshes us, and often changes us as a church and as individuals. I can testify that it is a joy and a privilege to worship Christ in this way. He loves it and we love it.

Adam is a worship leader at New River Church, Islington, a non-denominational, charismatic Christian church of about 40 people. He has a degree in physics, a PhD in neuroimaging and is a member of the electro-indie rock band Personal Space Invaders.
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Is Labour really as doomed as it seems? The polls have got it wrong before

Pollsters often overrate Labour's performance. But in two elections, the opposite happened. 

Few moments in the Labour Party’s history can have felt as gloomy as this one. Going into a general election that almost no-one expects them to win, their overall opinion polling is appalling. Labour seems becalmed in the mid-20s; the Conservative Party has rocketed into the mid- to high-40s, and has even touched 50 per cent in one survey.

The numbers underlying those voting intention figures seem, if anything, worse. The Conservatives have huge leads on leadership and economic competence – often even more reliable indicators of election results than the headline numbers. High turnout groups such as the over-65s have turned against Labour in unprecedented numbers. Working-class Brits have swung towards the Conservative, placing once-safe Labour seats in danger. There are limited, but highly suggestive, hints among the data that the swing against Labour is higher in its own marginal seats – a potentially toxic development for any party seeking to hang on to MPs, as Conservatives defending apparently impregnable majorities under John Major in 1997 would attest.

All the while, Labour seems confused about what it is really for. Try as he might, Keir Starmer’s term as Labour’s shadow Brexit secretary has been marred by a fatal confusion and indecision about the extent of the UK’s future engagement with the European Union’s single market. Labour seems neither the party of Brexit nor of Remain, but one determined to irritate as many voters as possible. A similar situation reigns in Scotland, where nationalists under Nicola Sturgeon face Conservative Unionists led by Ruth Davidson, and Labour struggles even to gain a hearing.

Many Labour policy offers – free primary school meals for all, the promise of free university tuition, nationalising the railways, upholding the triple lock of pensions, opposing National Insurance rises for the self-employed – are pleasingly universal, while in isolation appealing to different electoral groups. But together, they represent a massive shift of resources to higher-income Brits that would take huge tax rises to offset. Labour is dangerously close to offering a regressive package under the guise of left-wing radicalism. This is pretty much as far from the British people’s electoral sweet spot as it is possible to imagine.

It is therefore little wonder that Labour lags so far behind Theresa May’s Conservatives. Even some Labour strongholds appear likely to fall - regional polls from London and Wales suggest that many Labour seats will be lost in the party’s remaining citadels. Brutal stories are already coming in from the campaign trail. Rumours fly of truly epochal losses - though it is important to note that other anecdotes seem much less dramatic.

Still, there are other indicators – all too easily missed in the heat of the moment – that point in the other direction. Labour’s performance in local by-elections has been dire for the main opposition party, but the swing towards the Conservatives has been running at "only" just over 2 per cent. The party has certainly suffered some big swings against it, and it has lost wards to the Conservatives in local authorities as varied as Hertfordshire, Harrow and Middlesborough. But there is no evidence that its vote has collapsed on the scale that some of the polling suggests.

Relatively recent history should also give us pause before we write Labour off altogether. Consider the last two general elections in which Labour had near-death experiences, in both 1983 and 2010. Britain’s third party - first the Liberal-SDP Alliance, and then the Liberal Democrats - seemed about to overtake Labour in the popular vote, and steal scores of seats from the bigger progressive party. On both occasions, Labour was able to draw on hitherto unguessed-at wells of cultural identity and strength to pull away right at the campaign’s end. These are in fact the only elections in recent times when the polls have underrated, rather than overestimated, Labour’s likely score. It might be that the same phenomenon emerges this time.

The Conservatives’ huge lead right now has not resulted from a sudden collapse in Labour support, but rather from the United Kingdom Independence Party’s well-publicised implosion. If anything, after about a year of steady decline, the last week or two has seen Labour’s twelve months of slow deflation grind to a halt. Labour’s numbers have even ticked up a point or two as some voters appear to rally around "their" flag. It might be that, as you squeeze the Labour vote down, it becomes more resilient to further shrinkage.

As the Conservatives try to push into Labour’s heartlands, they might find it harder and harder to persuade voters across, from Ukip as well as from Labour. The Conservatives’ image is still far from good in such communities, whatever the underanalysed and separate appeal of PM May as a strong, considered leader in need of a negotiator’s mandate in Europe. Voters might be attracted to May, and repelled by Corbyn - that does not necessarily mean that they will actually vote Conservative. There is little evidence, so far, of any realignment in how voters see themselves – whether they "are" Labour or Conservative, rather than the more ephemeral question of whether they will simply vote for those parties.

Humans always look for patterns. Experts are no exception, while journalists and commentators can always jump to rapid – but wrong – conclusions in the overexcited heat of an election campaign. So it is with the threat of a Labour catastrophe on 8 June. The danger of just such a result is definitely there. But some of the data points we already have, and two recent elections at which Labour walked close to an abyss, cast a little bit of doubt on the inevitability of such an outcome. There are still just over six weeks to go. A Conservative landslide is still quite likely. But it is not certain. We should keep an eye out for the many hints that May’s gamble might end in a rather less crushing victory than we have been led to expect.

Glen O’Hara is Professor of Modern and Contemporary History at Oxford Brookes University. He blogs, in a personal capacity, at Public Policy and the Past. He is the author of a series of books about modern Britain, including The Politics of Water in Post-War Britain (Palgrave Macmillan: forthcoming, May 2017).

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