Apple shipped just 8 new MacBook Pros to Britain

Company favours American stores

Apple's CEO Tim Cook has a reputation as a logistical genius.

Recent reports, for instance, have highlighted the fact that the company, of which he was Chief Operating Officer before he took over from the late Steve Jobs in August last year, turns over its inventory every five days. The only company in the report which does it faster is McDonalds – which is somewhat less able than Apple to keep products on the shelves. The Atlantic's Alexis Madrigal comments:

A typical company in manufacturing might do 8 inventory turns [a year]. Samsung does 17. Dell, which practically invented hardcore electronics supply chain management, does 36. Apple is doing 74!

Which means that the fact that the company's flagship new laptop isn't stocked in any of its British stores, and has a month-long lead time for online orders from the UK, represents one or more of the following things:

  • A minor snarl in the supply chain for the company's most important product launch this year.
  • An unexpectedly high level of demand for a computer which starts at £1800.
  • A shafting of British customers to ensure American stores stay supplied.

The fact that the American online store is showing the same delay as the British suggests that it may be more the first two points; while the fact that Apple experienced the same problems with the launch of the new iPad suggests that even Tim Cook can't run a company that keeps everything in stock throughout massive demand for new products.

But it certainly is true that the company has focused on the US to a certain extent. The Regent Street Apple store in London was the only one in Britain to be shipped any of the new MacBook Pros at all. It only received eight, which were supposed to be used as display units but were accidentally sold to members of the public. Someone got in a lot of trouble for that. You can run the best logistics operations in the world, but cock-ups still happen.

Apple's CEO Tim Cook introduces the new laptop. Photograph: Getty Images

Alex Hern is a technology reporter for the Guardian. He was formerly staff writer at the New Statesman. You should follow Alex on Twitter.

Photo: Getty
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Are the Conservatives getting ready to learn to love the EEA?

You can see the shape of the deal that the right would accept. 

In an early morning address aimed half reassuring the markets and half at salvaging his own legacy, George Osborne set out the government’s stall.

The difficulty was that the two halves were hard to reconcile. Talk of “fixing the roof” and getting Britain’s finances in control, an established part of Treasury setpieces under Osborne, are usually merely wrong. With the prospect of further downgrades in Britain’s credit rating and thus its ability to borrow cheaply, the £1.6 trillion that Britain still owes and the country’s deficit in day-to-day spending, they acquired a fresh layer of black humour. It made for uneasy listening.

But more importantly, it offered further signs of what post-Brexit deal the Conservatives will attempt to strike. Boris Johnson, the frontrunner for the Conservative leadership, set out the deal he wants in his Telegraph column: British access to the single market, free movement of British workers within the European Union but border control for workers from the EU within Britain.

There is no chance of that deal – in fact, reading Johnson’s Telegraph column called to mind the exasperated response that Arsene Wenger, manager of Arsenal and a supporter of a Remain vote, gave upon hearing that one of his players wanted to move to Real Madrid: “It's like you wanting to marry Miss World and she doesn't want you, what can I do about it? I can try to help you, but if she does not want to marry you what can I do?”

But Osborne, who has yet to rule out a bid for the top job and confirmed his intention to serve in the post-Cameron government, hinted at the deal that seems most likely – or, at least, the most optimistic: one that keeps Britain in the single market and therefore protects Britain’s financial services and manufacturing sectors.

For the Conservatives, you can see how such a deal might not prove electorally disastrous – it would allow them to maintain the idea with its own voters that they had voted for greater “sovereignty” while maintaining their easy continental holidays, au pairs and access to the Erasmus scheme.  They might be able to secure a few votes from relieved supporters of Remain who backed the Liberal Democrats or Labour at the last election – but, in any case, you can see how a deal of that kind would be sellable to their coalition of the vote. For Johnson, further disillusionment and anger among the voters of Sunderland, Hull and so on are a price that a Tory government can happily pay – and indeed, has, during both of the Conservatives’ recent long stays in government from 1951 to 1964 and from 1979 to 1997.

It feels unlikely that it will be a price that those Labour voters who backed a Leave vote – or the ethnic and social minorities that may take the blame – can happily pay.  

Stephen Bush is special correspondent at the New Statesman. He usually writes about politics.