Joe the Plumber to run for Congress

The everyman who became the hero of rightwing America hopes to enter House of Representatives.

It's been three years since Samuel Joseph Wurzelbacher, the Ohio man dubbed "Joe the Plumber", hurtled into the public eye after berating then-presidential candidate Barack Obama on tax policy. Now, the man who was referred to more than two dozen times during 2008's presidential debates had announced that he is running for Congress.

After his five-minutes of fame, Wurzelbacher became something of an icon for anti-establishment Republicans, touring the country to speak at Tea Party events. He was seen as everyman, the representative of hardworking America (although it later emerged that he was not a licensed plumber). Not one to miss a trick, he's also secured a book deal and recorded a country music record. He announced yesterday that he will run as Republican candidate for the House of Representatives in Ohio's 9th Congressional District, which includes the city of Toledo.

In his announcement, he said:

If I'm coming off as angry, it's because I am. I just can't stand it when people do bad work. And we've been voting, the last 40 or 50 years, (for) bad people to do bad things to us. Why have we been doing it? Because we don't take our civic responsibility seriously enough.

His new campaign website, Joeforcongress2012.com, promises that he will be "a fierce advocate for working class, conservative values" in Washington. Wurzelbacher has previously been dismissive of politics as a whole, and said that he'd decided to enter as a Republican because he didn't think he could win as an independent. "Is it the lesser of two evils?" he said. "I don't know."

Samira Shackle is a freelance journalist, who tweets @samirashackle. She was formerly a staff writer for the New Statesman.

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Voters are turning against Brexit but the Lib Dems aren't benefiting

Labour's pro-Brexit stance is not preventing it from winning the support of Remainers. Will that change?

More than a year after the UK voted for Brexit, there has been little sign of buyer's remorse. The public, including around a third of Remainers, are largely of the view that the government should "get on with it".

But as real wages are squeezed (owing to the Brexit-linked inflationary spike) there are tentative signs that the mood is changing. In the event of a second referendum, an Opinium/Observer poll found, 47 per cent would vote Remain, compared to 44 per cent for Leave. Support for a repeat vote is also increasing. Forty one per cent of the public now favour a second referendum (with 48 per cent opposed), compared to 33 per cent last December. 

The Liberal Democrats have made halting Brexit their raison d'être. But as public opinion turns, there is no sign they are benefiting. Since the election, Vince Cable's party has yet to exceed single figures in the polls, scoring a lowly 6 per cent in the Opinium survey (down from 7.4 per cent at the election). 

What accounts for this disparity? After their near-extinction in 2015, the Lib Dems remain either toxic or irrelevant to many voters. Labour, by contrast, despite its pro-Brexit stance, has hoovered up Remainers (55 per cent back Jeremy Corbyn's party). 

In some cases, this reflects voters' other priorities. Remainers are prepared to support Labour on account of the party's stances on austerity, housing and education. Corbyn, meanwhile, is a eurosceptic whose internationalism and pro-migration reputation endear him to EU supporters. Other Remainers rewarded Labour MPs who voted against Article 50, rebelling against the leadership's stance. 

But the trend also partly reflects ignorance. By saying little on the subject of Brexit, Corbyn and Labour allowed Remainers to assume the best. Though there is little evidence that voters will abandon Corbyn over his EU stance, the potential exists.

For this reason, the proposal of a new party will continue to recur. By challenging Labour over Brexit, without the toxicity of Lib Dems, it would sharpen the choice before voters. Though it would not win an election, a new party could force Corbyn to soften his stance on Brexit or to offer a second referendum (mirroring Ukip's effect on the Conservatives).

The greatest problem for the project is that it lacks support where it counts: among MPs. For reasons of tribalism and strategy, there is no emergent "Gang of Four" ready to helm a new party. In the absence of a new convulsion, the UK may turn against Brexit without the anti-Brexiteers benefiting. 

George Eaton is political editor of the New Statesman.