Don't blame Barclays alone

This is not a Barclays scandal, it's a banking scandal.

It’s always been easy to be angry with Barclays Bank. My campaigning goes back to the 1970s when Barclays were a target for the anti-apartheid movement (and rightly so). The past day has provided yet more ammunition for those who would like to single out this bank for attention, and I admit that I have been one of them since that has been what the media has demanded. And yet, we need to stand back and be calm (to misquote the famous poster).

Of course Barclays has admitted to a serious allegation. They helped rig markets. It is likely that ordinary people paid the cost of that manipulation. It is impossible that senior management did not know about this, but it is likely that they will walk away largely unscathed from the whole debacle, their bonuses apart.

It is however important to put this in context. Barclays was not alone in rigging this market. Indeed, they could not have done it alone. This failure was not, therefore, a failure of a particular bank. It was a failure of the banking system.

It is also very clear now that regulators knew about this failure by 2006, at least, and yet it has taken until 2012 for the first penalty to be imposed. There has, therefore, been a failure of the regulatory system as well, and a systemic one at that. The question is not therefore whether Bob Diamond should go (he should, very obviously) or whether Barclays  and other should be prosecuted (as seems possible to me under section 4 of the Fraud Act 2006); the real question should be what causes systemic failure, and what can we do about it. The answer to that question is to first of all change regulation and secondly to change the nature of banking.  In both cases the reason for change is a simple one, which is that the existing models of both banking and regulation are based on false hypotheses.

As Lord Turner reported in his 2009 report on the financial crash, regulation at the Financial Services Authority was based on the assumption that the efficient market hypothesis held true (page 39, here) He realised then that this was not true. Perhaps most importantly, two assumptions the FSA made, which were that market prices are good indicators of rationally evaluated economic value and that market discipline can be used as an effective tool in constraining harmful risk taking can now be seen to be not just wrong, but that they were fundamentally flouted  by banks rigging prices and manipulating markets to mitigate their risk at cost to others.

No wonder we had a crash: regulation assumed a bunch of innocent price taking banks all subservient to the market when nothing could have been further from the truth. It’s an unfortunate fact that regulation will have to be rebuilt on the basis that markets can’t be trusted and regulatory intervention will have to be the norm, not the exception. The era of "light touch regulation" has to be over.

That has implications for the structure of banking too. The assumption that they can be trusted is also implicit in the Vickers recommendations. Their suggestion that banks can be split under common ownership is dependent upon the belief that Chinese walls will be respected. It’s now clear that banks do not respect rules. More than that, manipulation between departments who were not meant to talk to each other was clearly commonplace at Barclays, and presumably elsewhere. On that basis Vickers has now to be consigned to history: the only way forward is to break banks up with high street and investment banking operations separated, for good.

So far we’ve wasted four years since the crash doing nothing to address the problems in our banking system. If this latest Barclays debacle does anything it suggests that the time for prevarication is over.

Barclays chief executive Bob Diamond has resisted calls for his resignation. Photograph: Getty Images.

Richard Murphy is an adviser to the Tax Justice Network and the TUC on taxation and economic issues. He is also the director of Tax Research LLP.

Getty
Show Hide image

David Osland: “Corbyn is actually Labour’s only chance”

The veteran Labour activist on the release of his new pamphlet, How to Select or Reselect Your MP, which lays out the current Labour party rules for reselecting an MP.

Veteran left-wing Labour activist David Osland, a member of the national committee of the Labour Representation Committee and a former news editor of left magazine Tribune, has written a pamphlet intended for Labour members, explaining how the process of selecting Labour MPs works.

Published by Spokesman Books next week (advance copies are available at Nottingham’s Five Leaves bookshop), the short guide, entitled “How to Select or Reselect Your MP”, is entertaining and well-written, and its introduction, which goes into reasoning for selecting a new MP and some strategy, as well as its historical appendix, make it interesting reading even for those who are not members of the Labour party. Although I am a constituency Labour party secretary (writing here in an expressly personal capacity), I am still learning the Party’s complex rulebook; I passed this new guide to a local rules-boffin member, who is an avowed Owen Smith supporter, to evaluate whether its description of procedures is accurate. “It’s actually quite a useful pamphlet,” he said, although he had a few minor quibbles.

Osland, who calls himself a “strong, but not uncritical” Corbyn supporter, carefully admonishes readers not to embark on a campaign of mass deselections, but to get involved and active in their local branches, and to think carefully about Labour’s election fortunes; safe seats might be better candidates for a reselection campaign than Labour marginals. After a weak performance by Owen Smith in last night’s Glasgow debate and a call for Jeremy Corbyn to toughen up against opponents by ex Norwich MP Ian Gibson, an old ally, this pamphlet – named after a 1981 work by ex-Tribune editor Chris Mullin, who would later go on to be a junior minister under Blai – seems incredibly timely.

I spoke to Osland on the telephone yesterday.

Why did you decide to put this pamphlet together now?

I think it’s certainly an idea that’s circulating in the Labour left, after the experience with Corbyn as leader, and the reaction of the right. It’s a debate that people have hinted at; people like Rhea Wolfson have said that we need to be having a conversation about it, and I’d like to kickstart that conversation here.

For me personally it’s been a lifelong fascination – I was politically formed in the early Eighties, when mandatory reselection was Bennite orthodoxy and I’ve never personally altered my belief in that. I accept that the situation has changed, so what the Labour left is calling for at the moment, so I see this as a sensible contribution to the debate.

I wonder why selection and reselection are such an important focus? One could ask, isn’t it better to meet with sitting MPs and see if one can persuade them?

I’m not calling for the “deselect this person, deselect that person” rhetoric that you sometimes see on Twitter; you shouldn’t deselect an MP purely because they disagree with Corbyn, in a fair-minded way, but it’s fair to ask what are guys who are found to be be beating their wives or crossing picket lines doing sitting as our MPs? Where Labour MPs publicly have threatened to leave the party, as some have been doing, perhaps they don’t value their Labour involvement.

So to you it’s very much not a broad tool, but a tool to be used a specific way, such as when an MP has engaged in misconduct?

I think you do have to take it case by case. It would be silly to deselect the lot, as some people argue.

In terms of bringing the party to the left, or reforming party democracy, what role do you think reselection plays?

It’s a basic matter of accountability, isn’t it? People are standing as Labour candidates – they should have the confidence and backing of their constituency parties.

Do you think what it means to be a Labour member has changed since Corbyn?

Of course the Labour party has changed in the past year, as anyone who was around in the Blair, Brown, Miliband era will tell you. It’s a completely transformed party.

Will there be a strong reaction to the release of this pamphlet from Corbyn’s opponents?

Because the main aim is to set out the rules as they stand, I don’t see how there can be – if you want to use the rules, this is how to go about it. I explicitly spelled out that it’s a level playing field – if your Corbyn supporting MP doesn’t meet the expectations of the constituency party, then she or he is just as subject to a challenge.

What do you think of the new spate of suspensions and exclusions of some people who have just joined the party, and of other people, including Ronnie Draper, the General Secretary of the Bakers’ Union, who have been around for many years?

It’s clear that the Labour party machinery is playing hardball in this election, right from the start, with the freeze date and in the way they set up the registered supporters scheme, with the £25 buy in – they’re doing everything they can to influence this election unfairly. Whether they will succeed is an open question – they will if they can get away with it.

I’ve been seeing comments on social media from people who seem quite disheartened on the Corbyn side, who feel that there’s a chance that Smith might win through a war of attrition.

Looks like a Corbyn win to me, but the gerrymandering is so extensive that a Smith win isn’t ruled out.

You’ve been in the party for quite a few years, do you think there are echoes of past events, like the push for Bennite candidates and the takeover from Foot by Kinnock?

I was around last time – it was dirty and nasty at times. Despite the narrative being put out by the Labour right that it was all about Militant bully boys and intimidation by the left, my experience as a young Bennite in Tower Hamlets Labour Party, a very old traditional right wing Labour party, the intimidation was going the other way. It was an ugly time – physical threats, people shaping up to each other at meetings. It was nasty. Its nasty in a different way now, in a social media way. Can you compare the two? Some foul things happened in that time – perhaps worse in terms of physical intimidation – but you didn’t have the social media.

There are people who say the Labour Party is poised for a split – here in Plymouth (where we don’t have a Labour MP), I’m seeing comments from both sides that emphasise that after this leadership election we need to unite to fight the Tories. What do you think will happen?

I really hope a split can be avoided, but we’re a long way down the road towards a split. The sheer extent of the bad blood – the fact that the right have been openly talking about it – a number of newspaper articles about them lining up backing from wealthy donors, operating separately as a parliamentary group, then they pretend that butter wouldn’t melt in their mouths, and that they’re not talking about a split. Of course they are. Can we stop the kamikazes from doing what they’re plotting to do? I don’t know, I hope so.

How would we stop them?

We can’t, can we? If they have the financial backing, if they lose this leadership contest, there’s no doubt that some will try. I’m old enough to remember the launch of the SDP, let’s not rule it out happening again.

We’ve talked mostly about the membership. But is Corbynism a strategy to win elections?

With the new electoral registration rules already introduced, the coming boundary changes, and the loss of Scotland thanks to decades of New Labour neglect, it will be uphill struggle for Labour to win in 2020 or whenever the next election is, under any leadership.

I still think Corbyn is Labour’s best chance. Any form of continuity leadership from the past would see the Midlands and north fall to Ukip in the same way Scotland fell to the SNP. Corbyn is actually Labour’s only chance.

Margaret Corvid is a writer, activist and professional dominatrix living in the south west.